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AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF 
CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 


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COPYRIGHT,   1908,  BY  O.   T.   HOWE 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF 
CAPTAIN  ZACHART  G.  LAMSON 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  "Diary"  of  Captain  Zachariah 
Gage  Lams  on,  which  forms  the  mo 
tive  of  this  volume,  covers  the  most  inter 
esting  and  romantic  period  of  the  commer 
cial  history  of  the  United  States.  It  is 
particularly  interesting  to  the  historical 
student,  as  it  gives  a  very  lively  picture  of  a 
period  which  was  then,  and  will  probably 
ever  remain,  unique  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  To  read  his  life  understandingly  one 
should  be  thoroughly  conversant  with  the 
maritime  law  and  history  of  that  period; 
and  as  marginal  notes  hardly  give  sufficient 
space,  the  writer  has  prefaced  the  manu 
script  with  an  account  of  the  conditions  un 
der  which  in  peace  or  war  commerce  at  that 
time  was  carried  on. 

In   the  renaissance  of  American  com- 


2          CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

merce  which  followed  the  Revolutionary 
war  the  American  flag  had  been  carried  to 
all  parts  of  the  world.  With  splendid  au 
dacity  the  merchants  of  the  United  States 
had  dared  to  compete  with  England  for 
the  East  India  trade,  had  taken  by  storm 
the  China  trade,  had  freighted  their  vessels 
from  the  Spice  Islands  and  Africa  and 
pierced  the  guarded  ports  of  the  Mikado. 
They  had  passed  the  Sound  to  the  north 
and  the  Straits  to  the  south,  showing  our 
flag  at  St.  Petersburg  and  Constantinople; 
and  most  important  of  all  had  almost  mo 
nopolized  the  large  and  lucrative  traffic  of 
the  French  and  English  West  India  Islands. 
But  it  was  not  alone  from  the  adventur 
ous  skill  of  her  sailors  or  the  restless  genius 
of  her  merchants  that  the  United  States 
made  such  remarkable  progress,  —  much 
was  due  to  the  peculiar  conditions  of  the 
times.  The  wars  of  the  French  Revolution 
had  been  succeeded  by  the  continental 
wars  of  Napoleon,  and  the  only  neutral 
country  in  the  world  which  possessed  a 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL  3 

merchant  marine  and  knew  how  to  use  it 
was  the  United  States.  This  neutrality  was 
of  great  value  to  America;  but  before  con 
sidering  what  advantages  war  gave,  it  is 
well  to  consider  under  what  conditions 
commerce  was  carried  on  in  times  of  peace. 

In  studying  commercial  conditions  at  the 
beginning  of  the  last  century,  it  is  neces 
sary  for  the  student  to  remember  what  an 
important  factor  colonial  trade  was  in  the 
commerce  of  that  day,  and  it  is  impossible 
for  him  to  understand  the  intricacies  of  this 
trade  unless  he  continually  keeps  in  mind 
the  fact  that  the  colony  and  the  mother 
country  were  really  one.  Granted  this  fact, 
there  was  no  more  reason  why  one  country 
should  claim  the  right  to  trade  with  the 
colony  of  another  than  to  claim  the  right 
to  share  in  the  coasting  trade  of  that  coun 
try,  which,  as  is  well  known,  is  reserved 
even  to-day  by  the  United  States  for  its 
own  vessels. 

The  theory  of  colonial  relations  was  that 
the  colony  was  to  be  supplied  and  defended 


4          CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

by  the  mother  country  and  in  return  ex 
change  its  raw  material  for  the  manufac 
tured  goods  of  the  parent  country,  carried 
only  in  ships  of  that  country.  As  the  colony 
became  more  populous  and  powerful,  it 
was  found  both  impossible  and  impolitic 
for  the  mother  country  to  enforce  its  rights 
in  their  entirety.  The  natural  laws  of  com 
merce  were  not  to  be  ignored,  and  trade  by 
other  powers  with  its  colonies,  under  cer 
tain  restrictions,  was  both  permitted  and 
encouraged. 

Proximity  too  had  to  be  considered,  and 
the  interests  of  the  colony ;  for  the  prosper 
ity  of  the  colony  reacted  on  the  mother 
country,  and  advantages  in  the  way  of 
trade  with  other  colonies  and  countries 
could  be  obtained  by  concessions.  The  re 
sult  was  that  trade  with  the  more  important 
colonies  of  the  world  was  open  to  vessels  of 
every  other  country  under  certain  restric 
tions,  and  these  restrictions  were  really  a 
concession,  as  the  mother  countries  claimed, 
which  might  theoretically  be  abrogated 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL  5 

should  the  mother  country  see  fit.  Prac 
tically,  however,  after  trade  had  been  car 
ried  on  in  this  way  for  a  term  of  years,  the 
participants  claimed  a  prescriptive  right  to 
the  trade,  and,  while  conceding  the  right  to 
regulate,  denied  the  right  to  abolish. 

The  countries  of  the  world  possessing  sea 
colonies  at  this  time  were  naturally  the  past 
and  present  sea  powers  of  Europe,  and,  as 
what  was  gained  by  the  sea  could  be  held 
only  by  the  sea,  the  colonial  possessions  of 
these  powers  were  all  gravitating  toward 
England.  Spain,  once  the  colossus  of  Eu 
rope,  still  held  some  of  the  choicest  tropical 
portions  of  the  world,  but  her  empire  was 
beginning  to  disintegrate,  and  that  it  did 
not  all  leave  her  was  due  to  her  parasitical 
dependence  on  France  and  later  to  her  alli 
ance  with  England.  At  this  time  she  still 
held  the  vast  territories  of  Florida,  Louisi 
ana1  and  Mexico  in  North  America,  Cuba, 

1  By  the  treaty  of  San  Ildefonso  Louisiana  was 
ceded  to  France  Oct.  1,  1800,  and  April  30,  1803,  it 
was  sold  to  America. 


6          CAPTAIN   ZACHARY    G.    LAMSON 

Porto  Rico  and  some  of  the  smaller  West 
India  islands,  and  all  Central  America  ex 
cept  British  Honduras.  Though  she  no 
longer  dominated  the  Spanish  Main,  still, 
with  the  exception  of  English,  French  and 
Dutch  Guiana, and  Brazil, all  South  America 
was  hers,  and  the  trade  of  this  vast  section 
of  country  reserved  for  her  own  subjects. 

Portugal,  once  powerful,  was  now  so 
weak  and  inoffensive  that  there  was  no  pre 
text  to  disturb  her  possessions,  which  were 
still  vast,  comprising  Brazil  in  South  Amer 
ica,  Goa  and  Macao  in  Asia,  and  Madeira, 
the  Azores,  and  Cape  Verde  Islands.  Hol 
land,  which  once  contested  the  sea  with 
England  on  equal  terms,  had  sunk  to  the 
rank  of  a  third-rate  power,  and  had  been 
absorbed  by  France,  but  she  still  held 
Guiana,  Cura£oa,  Demerara,  Essequibo, 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Java,  Borneo  and 
some  stations  in  India. 

The  richest  islands  of  the  West  Indies, 
Guadeloupe  and  Martinique,  belonged  to 
France.  Hayti  was  still  hers,  with  French 


POLITICAL  AND   COMMERCIAL  7 

Guiana  and  some  small  islands  in  the  Car 
ibbean  Sea,  but  most  of  them,  with  the  Isles 
of  France  and  Bourbon  in  the  Indian 
Ocean,  and  Pondicherry  and  Chanderna- 
gore  in  India,  were  destined  soon  to  be 
taken  from  her. 

Denmark  held  St.  Martin,  St.  Thomas 
and  St.  John,  and  Sweden,  St.  Barthole- 
mew,  all  small  islands  in  the  West  Indies, 
while  England,  though  she  had  lost  her  fair 
est  colonial  possession,  the  United  States, 
still  held  Labrador,  Newfoundland,  Nova 
Scotia,  New  Brunswick  and  Canada  in 
North  America,  Jamaica,  Trinidad,  the 
Leeward  and  Windward  Islands  in  the 
West  Indies,  Honduras  in  Central  and 
Guiana  in  South  America,  Sierra  Leone 
and  the  gold  coast  in  Africa,  and  Ceylon, 
Bombay  and  Calcutta  in  Asia. 

In  considering  the  trade  of  the  United 
States  with  these  colonies,  the  clearest  way 
to  understand  the  question  is  to  regard  all 
trade  with  them  as  prohibited,  and  see  un 
der  what  conditions  it  was  finally  allowed. 


8  CAPTAIN   ZACHARY    G.    LAMSON 

It  would  be  profitless  to  take  up  the  trade 
of  each  country  in  detail,  since  the  condi 
tions  were  much  alike  for  all,  and  as  from 
1800  to  1812  England  was  really  the  power 
that  dictated  under  what  conditions  co 
lonial  commerce  should  be  carried  on,  we 
will  take  her  laws  as  practically  those  of 
the  world. 

By  the  English  Navigation  Act  of  1651, 
no  merchandise  from  Asia,  Africa  or  Amer 
ica  could  be  imported  into  England  in  other 
than  ships  built  and  owned  in  that  coun 
try,  and  those  ships  must  be  three-quarters 
manned  by  English  sailors.  European  mer 
chants  might  export  to  England  the  pro 
ducts  of  their  own  country,  but  must  ship 
such  cargoes  in  the  country  of  their  origin. 
For  example,  Spain  might  ship  a  cargo  of 
wine  or  olive  oil  to  England  in  a  Spanish 
ship,  but  she  could  not  touch  at  a  French 
port  and  complete  her  cargo  with  French 
goods.  Neither  could  a  Dutch  vessel  load 
with  Spanish  goods  for  England. 

The  intention  of  the  Navigation  Act  was 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL  9 

first  to  furnish  a  numerous  and  skilled 
body  of  sailors  available  in  time  of  war  for 
the  navy,  and  second  to  make  England  an 
entrepot  of  commerce;  and  in  both  these 
aims  the  Act  seems  to  have  been  success 
ful.  The  term  entrepot  may  be  defined  as 
a  commercial  centre  where  goods  accumu 
late  on  their  way  to  market.1  Any  post 
which  either  by  its  freedom  or  its  geograph 
ical  position  offered  a  convenient  place  for 
vessels  to  deposit  their  cargoes  and  reload 
with  other  merchandise  was  a  natural 
entrepot. 

A  place  of  entrepot  was  like  a  great 
bonded  warehouse  where  one  might  take 
almost  everything  with  a  fair  chance  of 
sale,  and  a  certainty  that  one  could  buy 
something  to  take  away.  The  profits  to  a 
country  possessing  such  an  entrepot  are 
obvious.  All  the  machinery  necessary  for 
the  receiving,  storing  and  distributing  of 
merchandise,  the  employment  of  labor, 

1  Mahan,  Influence  of  Sea  Power  on  the  War  0} 
1812,  vol.  xxi,  p.  12. 


10        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY    G.    LAMSON 

wharfage  dues,  supplies  furnished  and  the 
thousand  things  necessitated  by  a  bustling 
commerce  are  really  a  tax  laid  on  such 
commerce  and  tend  to  the  growth  and 
wealth  of  the  place  of  entrepot.  A  forced 
entrepot  is  where  a  country,  having  the 
monopoly  of  certain  products,  restricts  their 
importation  to  certain  ports  and  forbids 
their  sale  elsewhere. 

By  the  Navigation  Act  then,  trade  with 
the  colonies  was  strictly  guarded  and  the 
products  of  the  East  and  West  Indies  could 
be  freighted  only  in  English  ships.  But 
as  the  American  colonies  grew  in  wealth 
and  population,  it  was  found  impossible 
to  prevent  their  trading  with  their  near 
neighbors,  the  West  Indies,  and  the  navi 
gation  laws  were  modified  in  their  favor. 
Direct  trade  between  the  West  Indies  and 
the  American  colonies  was  allowed,  but 
limited  to  vessels  of  not  over  seventy  tons 
burden.  A  direct  voyage  between  the  West 
Indies  and  England  or  any  other  country 
by  colonial  vessels  was  prohibited.  When 


POLITICAL   AND   COMMERCIAL         11 

the  United  States  became  an  independent 
power,  she  was  still  hampered  by  the  Eng 
lish  Navigation  Act,  and  although  Jay's 
treaty  in  1794  obtained  for  her  the  right  of 
direct  trade  with  the  West  Indies,  it  was 
coupled  with  such  conditions  that  she 
rejected  it.  The  British  government,  then, 
by  executive  order  continued  the  trade  of 
the  West  Indies  with  the  United  States 
under  the  same  conditions  as  prevailed  in 
colonial  days. 

This  question  of  a  direct  or  broken1  voy 
age  was  of  the  greatest  importance  and  was 
afterward  one  of  the  causes  of  the  embargo 
of  1807  and  the  War  of  1812.  To  repeat, 
under  English  executive  permission  an 
American  vessel  of  seventy  tons  burden, 
or  under  French  law  an  American  vessel  of 
sixty  tons  burden  might  carry  to  the  Eng- 

1  The  term  "broken  voyage"  appears  frequently  in  the 
commercial  history  of  this'period,  and  means,  as  the  name 
implies,  the  interposition  of  a  third  port  between  the  place 
from  which  the  vessel  is  cleared  and  the  port  to  which  she 
is  really  bound. 


12        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

lish  or  French  West  Indies  a  cargo  of 
American  produce  and  bring  back,  say, 
sugar,  coffee  or  molasses,  but  she  could  not 
sail  direct  from  those  islands  to  any  other 
than  an  American  port.  The  reason  for  the 
limitation  of  the  size  of  the  vessel  was  to 
make  a  voyage  to  Europe  unprofitable,  if 
not  hazardous.  Once,  however,  a  cargo 
was  landed  in  a  port  of  the  United  States 
and  the  duty  paid,  it  became  American 
property  and  could  be  shipped  to  any  part 
of  the  world. 

Fortunately  for  the  United  States  the  nat 
ural  course  for  vessels  sailing  from  the  West 
Indies  to  England  was  to  follow  the  Gulf 
Stream  up  the  coast  and  take  the  short 
meridian.  It  was  not  much  of  a  detour  then 
to  land  a  cargo  in  Salem  or  Boston,  pay  the 
duties,  reload  into  a  larger  vessel  and  com 
plete  the  voyage  to  the  Continent.  This 
was  called  breaking  the  voyage,  and  cleared 
the  law  in  1800. 

Trade  with  the  Spanish  West  Indies  was 
at  times  allowed  and  occasionally  forbid- 


POLITICAL   AND   COMMERCIAL         13 

den,  but  the  size  of  the  vessel  was  not  lim 
ited.  Owing  to  restrictions  imposed,  there 
was  very  little  trade  with  the  Spanish  South 
American  colonies.  The  Danish  West 
Indies  were  free  ports,  and  the  Swedish 
colony,  St.  Bartholemew,  or  St.  Barts,  as 
it  was  usually  called,  derived  its  importance 
from  its  being  open  to  neutrals  in  time  of 
war.  Although  itself  a  barren  rock,  the  ex 
ports  of  sugar,  coffee  and  molasses  from 
the  island  were  quite  large.  Vessels  could 
clear  from  the  richer  islands  to  St.  Barts 
and  then  evade  the  law  by  clearing  from 
St.  Barts  to  other  ports. 

Trade  with  the  East  Indies  was  con 
ducted  under  the  same  colonial  law  as  with 
the  West  Indies,  but  there  was  no  limita 
tion  as  to  size  of  vessel  employed.  English 
law  allowed  a  direct  voyage  between  Amer 
ica  and  the  East  Indies,  but  it  must  not  be 
broken.  Trade  with  the  islands  of  France 
and  Bourbon  was  free,  and  much  of  the 
French  East  India  trade  was  carried  on 
from  those  ports.  Trade  with  the  Dutch 


14        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

possessions,  the  Spice  Islands  and  China 
was  subject  to  comparatively  few  restric 
tions. 

Such  were  the  conditions  of  trade  in  time 
of  peace,  but  from  1800  to  1812,  with  the 
exception  of  eighteen  months,  there  was 
no  peace.  The  United  States  was  neutral, 
but  the  rest  of  the  world,  all  that  counted 
commercially,  was  at  war.  What  rights 
then  did  this  neutrality  give  us  ? 

The  rights  of  neutral  nations  in  time  of 
war  were  determined  by  international  law, 
and  this  law  was  evolved  from  the  customs 
and  precedents  of  former  wars.  It  could  not 
from  its  very  nature  be  inflexible,  as  there 
were  often  new  conditions  to  be  met,  and 
the  way  it  was  construed  depended  largely 
on  the  interests  of  the  party  construing  it. 
England  believed,  justly  or  unjustly,  that 
she  owed  her  maritime  superiority  to  her 
navigation  laws,  and  her  construction  of 
international  law  was  biased  by  her  deter 
mination  not  to  allow  those  laws  to  be  im 
paired.  In  time  of  peace,  as  we  have  shown, 


POLITICAL   AND   COMMERCIAL         15 

the  United  States  could  trade  with  the 
whole  world,  subject  to  such  local  and  co 
lonial  regulations  as  each  country  might 
impose,  and  the  right  to  impose  such  regu 
lations,  however  burdensome,  was  not  de 
nied.  In  war,  however,  where  America  was 
neutral,  many  of  these  restrictions  were  re 
moved  as  the  advantage  to  each  belligerent 
might  require,  but  she  was  still  subject 
to  the  disadvantages  under  which  inter 
national  law  placed  all  neutrals. 

What  were  the  rights  of  neutrals  was  a 
disputed  question.  England,  with  her  su 
premacy  on  the  sea,  naturally  took  one 
view  and  the  rest  of  the  world  another,  but 
there  were  some  points  on  which  all  agreed 
and  these  we  will  first  consider. 

A  vessel  owned  by  a  neutral  power  and 
carrying  a  cargo  not  owned  by  either  bel 
ligerent  might  trade  with  either  belligerent 
provided  she  carried  no  contraband  of 
war.  A  man-of-war  or  privateer  might  stop 
any  neutral  vessel  to  examine  her  papers, 
ascertain  her  destination,  and  examine  for 


16        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

contraband  of  war.  If,  however,  any  cause 
for  seizure  were  found,  the  vessel  must  be 
sent  into  some  port  of  the  belligerents, 
where  she  would  receive  a  fair  trial  in  the 
Admiralty  courts. 

A  blockade  of  any  port  or  coast  must  be 
accompanied  by  a  sufficient  naval  force 
to  make  entry  to  such  port  or  ports  dan 
gerous,  and  neutrals  must  be  warned  pre 
viously  of  such  blockade. 

On  the  above  points  there  was  no  dis 
cussion,  but  on  the  broad  claim  that  the 
neutral  flag  covered  neutral  goods,  that  a 
belligerent  had  no  right  to  search  for  con 
traband  or  for  enemies'  goods  on  a  neutral, 
England  placed  a  firm  negative.  The  fail 
ure  of  the  "armed  neutrality"1  of  1800  had 

1  The  "armed  neutrality,"  as  it  was  called,  was  a 
maritime  confederacy  formed  by  Russia,  Sweden,  Den 
mark  and  Prussia,  which  attempted  to  prescribe  the  con 
ditions  under  which  neutral  commerce  should  be  carried 
on  in  European  wars.  The  contracting  parties  agreed  to 
support  their  construction  of  maritime  law  by  force  of 
arms  if  necessary,  but  the  bombardment  of  Copenhagen 
by  the  English  put  an  end  to  the  confederacy. 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         17 

settled  that  question  for  all  the  Napoleonic 
wars.  Neither  would  England  allow  that 
a  neutral  might  trade  from  port  to  port  in 
a  belligerent  country,  except  as  a  conces 
sion  by  both  belligerents. 

France,  her  commerce  swept  from  the 
seas  by  the  English,  unable  herself  to  carry 
the  produce  of  her  colonies  in  French  ves 
sels,  modified  her  colonial  laws  and  offered 
to  neutrals  the  right,  for  the  war  only,  to 
ship  direct  from  colony  to  mother  country. 
England,  however,  would  not  allow  this, 
on  the  ground  that  a  nation  has  no  right  to 
substitute  a  neutral  fleet  of  merchantmen 
to  do  what,  through  war,  she  cannot  do 
herself,  and  what  in  time  of  peace  would 
be  denied  them. 

There  were  other  disputed  questions  of 
international  law,  but  these  were  the  most 
important,  and  from  1800  to  1805  the 
United  States  had  little  to  complain  of  in 
her  treatment  by  the  belligerent  powers. 

With  the  French  merchant  fleet  driven 
from  the  sea,  and  England  hampered  by 


18        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY    G.    LAMSON 

war  insurance  and  the  expense  of  convoy, 
American  commerce  gained  rapidly,  and 
was  soon  second  only  to  that  of  Great 
Britain.  Coffee  and  sugar  from  the  French 
West  India  islands  were  shipped  in  enor 
mous  quantities  by  United  States  vessels  to 
the  United  States,  and  then  transhipped 
and  sent  on  to  the  continent.  This  England 
allowed  where  the  transaction  was  a  bona 
fide  one,  that  is  w^here  the  cargo  was  landed, 
and  duties  paid  in  the  United  States,  but 
in  1805  British  merchants  began  to  com 
plain  that  the  United  States  was  not  act 
ing  fairly  in  the  matter.  Goods  from  the 
French  West  India  islands  were  brought  to 
the  States,  landed,  duties  paid  and  then  re- 
shipped  on  the  same  vessel,  with  practi 
cally  all  the  duty  refunded.  In  the  year 
1800,  in  the  case  of  the  "Polly"  the  High 
Admiralty  Court  had  decided  that  this 
cleared  the  law,  but  in  1805  the  "Essex," 
Capt.  Orne,  took  a  cargo  at  Barcelona, 
landed  it  at  Salem,  gave  bonds  for  the  pay 
ment  of  duty  if  the  goods  were  not  exported, 


POLITICAL  AND    COMMERCIAL         19 

repaired  the  vessel,  reloaded  the  same 
cargo,  and  cleared  for  Havana.  The  ves 
sel  was  seized  by  the  English,  and,  while  it 
was  the  case  of  the  "Polly"  over  again,  the 
judge  decided  differently.  He  held  that  the 
intention  was  to  be  considered,  and  that 
as  the  cargo  was  never  meant  for  the  United 
States,  the  mere  landing  did  not  break  the 
voyage.  This  was  a  severe  blow  to  neutral 
trade,  and  at  this  time  there  was  no  neutral 
trade  save  with  American  vessels.1 

The  United  States  argued  that  what  was 
right  in  1800  could  not  be  wrong  in  1805 
and  that  Great  Britain  had  no  means  of 
knowing  what  their  intentions  were,  when 
they  entered  a  cargo.  Whether  they  sold 
in  the  United  States  or  reexported  was  a 
question  of  price  and  market,  and  at  any 

"Schooner  'Rachel,'  Woodbury,  arrived  in  Beverly 
to-day.  Capt.  Woodbury  remarked  that  not  in  his  whole 
voyage,  either  at  sea  or  in  port,  had  he  seen  any  flag,  ex 
cept  the  United  States." —  Salem  Gazette,  April  1,  1801. 
"Not  a  single  merchant  vessel  under  a  flag  inimical  to 
Great  Britain  now  crosses  the  equator  or  traverses  the  At 
lantic  ocean."  —  JAMES  STEPHENS,  War  in  Disguise,  p.  68. 


20         CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

rate  the  moment  a  cargo  was  landed,  it  be 
came  the  property  of  a  neutral  nation.  To 
this  England  replied  by  reaffirming  what 
she  called  the  "Rule  of  1756,"  that  a  neu 
tral  has  no  right  to  substitute  her  vessels 
to  carry  on  trade  for  a  belligerent,  when 
such  trade  was  forbidden  in  time  of  peace. 
That  the  fact  that  she  did  not  enforce  the 
rule  from  1800  to  1805  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  question,  since  to  waive  a  right  is 
not  to  abandon  a  principle,  and  the  rule 
of  the  Admiralty  Court  was  that  all  colo 
nial  trade  is  prohibited  except  as  a  matter 
of  concession. 

There  was  something  to  be  said  for  both 
parties  in  this  controversy.  The  United 
States,  while  keeping  to  the  letter  of  the 
law  as  construed  in  1800,  did  violate  its 
principle.  The  "Salem  Gazette"  reports 
one  case  where  a  New  Bedford  vessel 
claimed  to  have  landed  her  cargo,  paid 
duties,  reloaded  her  cargo  and  cleared  for 
Europe  in  forty-eight  hours.  Many  ves 
sels  carried  what  was  really  the  property 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         21 

of  a  belligerent,  some  did  not  unload,  and 
the  intention  of  most  of  them  was  to  make 
practically  a  direct  voyage,  but  the  pre 
scriptive  right  of  five  years'  trading  under 
these  conditions  entitled  America  to  at 
least  a  proper  notice,  and  to  seize  her  ves 
sels  without  such  notice  was  a  mild  form 
of  piracy.  The  fact  was,  the  British  mer 
chants1  were  jealous  of  the  rapid  growth  of 
American  trade,  and  the  decisions  of  the 

1  A  London  paper  of  the  seventh  of  August  says,  "An 
order,  we  understand,  was  sent  to  all  the  out  ports  some 
days  ago,  instructing  cruisers  to  detain  all  American  ves 
sels  which  have  on  board  property  not  the  product  of  the 
United  States.  This  order  has  already  been  acted  on  and 
several  vessels  stopped.  It  has  been  ascertained  that  the 
American  ships  have  for  a  length  of  time  been  in  the  prac 
tice  of  going  to  the  Isle  of  France,  and  the  French  ports  in 
the  West  Indies,  to  bring  away  products  which  they  finally 
carried  into  French  or  Dutch  ports.  Their  usual  course 
was  to  touch  at  an  American  port  to  give  the  cargo  the  ap 
pearance  of  being  American  property.  But  it  is  very  well 
known  that  such  cargoes  were  never  landed.  The  mer 
chants  at  Leeds  and  the  rest  of  Yorkshire  have  come  to 
a  resolution  not  to  ship  any  goods  in  a  neutral  vessel  to 
any  port  whatever.  American  ships  to  American  ports 
excepted."  —  Columbian  Centinel,  Sept.  14,  1805. 


22        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

English  Admiralty  courts  were  always 
what  the  political  and  commercial  interests 
of  that  country  at  the  moment  demanded. 
It  was  possible,  however,  to  break  the 
voyage  so  as  not  to  conflict  with  the  ruling 
of  the  Admiralty  Court,  but  this  was  but 
the  first  of  a  long  series  of  attacks  on  neu 
tral  rights.  Napoleon,  unable  to  invade 
England  or  contend  with  her  on  the  sea, 
sought  to  force  his  continental  system  on 
all  Europe,  and  strike  at  England  through 
her  commerce.  The  exclusion  of  English 
goods  and  English  ships  from  continental 
ports,  if  thoroughly  done,  would,  undoubt 
edly,  in  time  bring  England  to  terms. 
With  this  in  view,  on  the  first  of  April,  1806, 
Napoleon  forced  Prussia  to  close  her  own 
ports  and  those  of  Hanover  to  British  ship 
ping.  England  replied  by  a  blockade  of  the 
coast  from  the  Ems  to  the  Elbe,  but  pro 
mised  not  to  disturb  neutral  vessels  unless 
coming  from  or  bound  to  an  enemy's  port. 
A  few  months  later,  Nov.  21,  1806,  Na 
poleon  issued  his  famous  Berlin  Decree, 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         23 

declaring  the  British  Isles  to  be  in  a  state 
of  blockade  and  forbidding  commerce  with 
them.  No  vessel  coming  from  England  or 
her  colonies  would  be  received  in  French 
ports.  This  was  of  course  a  paper  blockade, 
and  contrary  to  international  law.  Eng 
land's  reply  was  Orders  in  Council  of  Jan. 
1807.  These  declared  that  all  ports  from 
which  English  goods  and  ships  were  ex 
cluded  were  also  closed  to  neutrals.  This, 
too,  was  a  paper  blockade.  Orders  in  Coun 
cil  of  Nov.  11,  1807,  somewhat  modified 
this.  Neutrals  might  not  trade  with  any 
port  in  Europe  not  open  to  the  British,  but 
they  might  trade  with  such  port  by  going 
first  to  an  English  port,  landing  and  reship- 
ping  their  cargoes,  paying  duties,  and  then 
going  to  said  port.  That  is,  no  trade  ex 
cept  through  England. 

This   was    promptly   answered   by   the 

'Milan   Decree   of   Napoleon   dated   Dec. 

16,  1807,  which  was,  that  "Whatever  ship 

of  whatever  nation"  sailing  from  a  British 

port,  or  from  countries  occupied  by  the 


24        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

British,  would  count  as  a  good  prize  to  a 
French  war  ship  or  privateer.  The  situa 
tion,  then,  was  this.  France  controlled 
most  of  the  continent  of  Europe.  If  a  neu 
tral  vessel  cleared  for  any  continental  port 
she  stood  a  good  chance  to  be  taken  by 
some  British  vessel,  either  on  the  high  seas 
or  when  entering  port.  If  to  avoid  this  she 
entered  some  English  port,  landed,  and 
reshipped  her  cargo,  she  was  liable  to  be 
seized  by  the  French. 

This  situation  was  an  intolerable  one,1 

1  "  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Capt.  Williams  of  the  ship 
'Friendship  ':- 

<  PALERMO,  July  12,  1807. 

'  The  markets  throughout  the  Mediterranean  are  glut 
ted  with  almost  everything.  A  cargo  of  fish  could  scarcely 
be  given  away.  You  can  hardly  form  an  idea  of  the  dif 
ficulties  attending  neutral  trade  at  this  time.  We  are  not 
allowed  either  by  the  English  or  the  French  to  go  from 
one  enemy's  port  to  another.  There  are  thirty  sails  of 
Americans  at  Malta,  condemned  or  under  trial.  The 
island  swarms  with  privateers.  The  English  have  taken 
seventeen  American  vessels  laden  with  oil,  several  bound 
to  London,  but  had  previously  been  to  enemy's  ports.' " — 
Salem  Gazette,  Sept.  29,  1807. 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         25 

as  it  theoretically  put  a  stop  to  almost  the 
whole  continental  trade.  But  trade  did  go 
on  under  a  system  most  debasing  and  per 
nicious  to  the  public  morals.  The  people 
of  France  wanted  English  goods  if  the  gov 
ernment  did  not,  and  they  got  them.  Eng 
land  was  not  inclined  to  forego  French 
wines  and  brandies,  and  she  did  not. 
French  armies  continued  to  be  clothed  with 
English  woollens,  and  the  British  officers  in 
Portugal  drank  their  accustomed  stimu 
lants.  Neutral  vessels  still  went  from  port 
to  port,  running  great  risks,  but  earning 
high  freights. 

That  trade  was  not  annihilated  was  due 
to  several  reasons.  In  the  first  place  the 
Continental  System  of  Napoleon  was  un 
popular  in  France,  and  abhorred  through 
out  the  Continent.  Smuggling  went  on  to 
an  enormous  extent.  Neither  the  decrees  of 
Napoleon  nor  the  British  orders  in  council 
were  at  all  times  rigidly  enforced,  both  sides 
making  what  concessions  their  immedi 
ate  interests  demanded.  But  it  was  by  the 


26        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

license 1  system  that  most  of  the  commerce 
was  carried  on.  Licenses  were  first  used 
in  1806  and  were  granted  by  both  the 
French  and  English,  allowing  the  ship  of 
a  neutral  or  even  a  belligerent  to  enter  their 
ports  and  discharge  a  cargo  without  moles 
tation.  The  effect  of  this  upon  neutrals 
was  deplorable.  Licenses  were  forged,  logs 
falsified,  false  affidavits  made  and  bribery 
freely  used.2 

"To  such  a  length  did  the  license  system  proceed 
under  the  Imperial  government  that  it  constituted  the 
principal  source  of  the  private  revenue  of  Napoleon.  And 
we  have  the  authority  of  Napoleon  himself  for  the  asser 
tion  that  the  treasure  thus  accumulated  amounted  at  the 
opening  of  the  Russian  war  in  1812  to  the  enormous  sum 
of  four  hundred  million  of  francs,  or  $80,000,000."  — 
ALLISON,  History  of  Europe,  vol.  iii,  p.  562. 

2  Part  of  a  circular  letter  read  by  Mr.  Broughmam  in 
the  English  Parliament. 

"Liverpool.  Gentlemen.  We  take  the  liberty  to  in 
form  you  that  we  have  established  ourselves  in  this  town, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  simulated  papers,  which  we 
are  enabled  to  do  in  a  way  which  will  give  ample  satisfac 
tion  to  our  patrons,  understanding  all  the  necessary  lan 
guages.  Of  any  change  that  may  occur  in  the  different 
places  on  the  continent,  we  are  careful  to  have  the  latest 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         27 

The  treatment  of  neutral  trade  by  the 
belligerents  had  excited  intense  indigna 
tion  in  America,  and  as  early  as  April,  1806, 
Congress  had  passed  what  is  called  the 
non-importation  bill,  in  an  effort  to  come 
to  some  accommodation  with  England. 
This  bill,  which  forbade  the  importation 
from  Great  Britain  of  numerous  articles, 
was  to  take  effect  Nov.  19,  1806,  unless  in 
the  mean  time  some  satisfactory  arrange 
ment  with  that  country  should  be  made. 
Negotiations  between  the  two  countries 
dragged  along,  however,  and  the  bill  was 
not  actually  put  in  effect  until  Dec.  14, 
1807,  eight  days  before  the  embargo. 

Finding  that  England  would  not  with 
draw  her  orders  in  council,  or  France  re 
voke  her  decrees,  that  international  law 
was  ignored,  and  the  remonstrances  of  this 

information,  not  only  from  our  own  connections,  but  also 

from  Mr.  J B ,  who  has  proffered  his  services 

and  who  has  for  some  time  past  made  simulated  papers 
for  Messrs.  B.  &  P.  of  this  town."  —  Niks  Register,  vol. 
11,  p.  166. 


28        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

country  unheeded,  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  on  Dec.  22,  1807,  passed  the 
Embargo  Act.  The  Embargo  was  a  favor 
ite  measure  of  President  Jefferson's,  and 
he  was  loyally  supported  in  it  by  the  Re 
publican  party,  which  was  at  this  time  in 
the  ascendency.  It  w^as  bitterly  opposed 
by  the  Federalists,  and  particularly  by 
those  from  New  England. 

They  opposed  it  because  they  believed 
the  act  unjust,  unnecessary  and  not  fitted 
to  accomplish  the  object  aimed  at.  Un 
just  they  thought  it,  in  that  it  bore  heavily 
on  one  section  of  the  country  and  one  pur 
suit.  Unnecessary,  in  that  it  was  still  pos 
sible  to  carry  on  a  fairly  remunerative  com 
merce  under  present  conditions,  with  a 
chance  to  improve  them  by  negotiations. 
And  not  fitted  to  accomplish  the  object 
aimed  at,  because  they  knew  the  dogged 
obstinacy  of  the  English  character,  the 
necessity,  to  English  minds  at  least,  in  the 
struggle  in  which  they  were  engaged,  of 
acts  not  otherwise  to  be  defended,  and  they 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         29 

felt  sure  England  could  stand  the  loss  of 
our  trade  as  long  as  we  could  stand  the 
loss  of  all  trade.  It  did  not  lessen  their  re 
sentment  that  the  act  was  passed  largely 
by  southern  and  western  votes,  for  surely 
men  who  had  travelled  and  traded,  who 
knew  France  and  England,  were  better 
fitted  to  understand  the  merits  of  a  com 
mercial  measure  than  a  Georgia  planter 
or  a  Kentucky  farmer.  Indeed,  had  the 
embargo  been  all  that  it  was  not,  coming 
from  Jefferson  and  the  Republican  party, 
they  would  have  received  it  with  suspicion ; 
for  the  Federalists  hated  Jefferson.  Was 
he  not  a  Jacobin,  and  had  he  not  strangled 
the  infant  navy  of  the  United  States,  a 
child  of  the  Federalists,  a  child  whose 
growth  they  had  hoped  to  see  somewhat 
commensurate  with  our  commercial  in 
crease  ?  And  now,  at  the  psychological  mo 
ment  for  war,  at  a  time  when  England  was 
locking  arms  with  her  still  vigorous  oppo 
nent,  France,  the  United  States  were  with 
out  means  of  offence  save  the  few  frigates 


30        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

the  Federalists  had  built,  and  Jefferson's 
useless  gunboats,  and  so  must  resent  her 
injuries,  not  by  war  but  by  a  kind  of  com 
mercial  suicide. 

The  arguments  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
his  supporters  in  favor  of  the  embargo 
were  not  such  as  to  commend  themselves 
to  a  commercial  community  naturally  irri 
tated.1  There  were  then  as  now,  a  small 
number  of  extremely  wealthy  merchants, 
and  a  large  number  of  ambitious,  enterpris 
ing  men  doing  business  on  borrowed  capi 
tal.  This  latter  class,  representing  nine 
tenths  of  the  business  men  of  the  country, 
was  coolly  informed  by  the  President  that, 

1  (Copied  from  the  National  Intelligencer  giving  what 
was  said  to  be  the  views  of  President  Jefferson  on  the 
embargo) :  — 

"There  are  those  who  suppose  the  embargo  will  be 
productive  of  incalculable  commercial  losses.  It  will  cer 
tainly  produce  much  inconvenience  to  the  mercantile 
world,  but  it  will  not  be  unaccompanied  by  benefits.  It 
will  cause  the  settlement  of  longstanding  accounts.  The 
merchant  who  has  been  trading  on  another's  capital  may 
sink,  and,  is  not  this  just?" — Newburyport  Herald, 
Jan.  1808. 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         31 

while  the  embargo  might,  and  probably 
would,  lead  to  their  failure,  it  would  really 
benefit  the  country  at  large  by  concentrat 
ing  business  in  stronger  hands.  The  vil 
lage  store-keeper,  the  rich  merchant  and 
farmer,  the  whole  creditor  class  of  the  coun 
try  were  soothed  with  the  information  that 
the  embargo  would  give  them  an  excellent 
opportunity  to  collect  old  debts  and  fore 
close  mortgages.  The  manufacturing  class 
was  congratulated  on  receiving  what  was 
really  a  prohibitive  tariff  on  foreign  goods, 
which  would  enable  it  to  extend  its  business 
and  extract  large  profits  from  the  commu 
nity.  The  rich  would  undoubtedly  become 
richer,  and  the  poor,  poorer,  but  the  satis 
faction  of  those  supposed  to  be  benefited 
by  the  bill  was  somewhat  dulled  by  the 
fact  that  debts,  difficult  to  collect  in  time 
of  prosperity,  would  hardly  be  collected 
with  greater  ease  in  time  of  financial  dis 
tress,  nor  would  creditors  be  anxious  to 
levy  on  collaterals  which  the  act  itself  ren 
dered  of  little  value. 


32        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

The  intense  feeling  caused  by  the  em 
bargo  had  both  present  and  remote  conse 
quences.  It  engendered  feelings  which  did 
not  die  when  the  act  was  repealed,  but  re 
mained  rankling  until  the  War  of  1812, 
and  then  produced  a  crop  of  disloyalty, 
which  must  ever  remain  a  reproach  not 
only  to  New  England,  but  to  the  whole 
coast  of  the  United  States. 

The  embargo  from  its  nature  went  into 
force  immediately  on  its  passage.  No  regis 
tered  vessel  of  the  United  States,  cleared  or 
uncleared,  could  leave  port.  No  coasting 
vessel  could  leave  port  without  giving  a 
bond  of  double  the  value  that  she  would 
land  her  cargo  in  some  port  of  the  United 
States. 

News  of  the  embargo  reached  New 
England  before  the  bill  was  actually  ad 
ministered,  and  many  vessels  half  loaded 
and  some  half  manned  were  hurried  to  sea. 
Registered  vessels,  and  only  those  regis 
tered  could  engage  in  foreign  trade,  had 
their  registers  withdrawn,  took  a  coasting 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         33 

license,  cleared  for  some  port  in  the  United 
States  and  sailed  for  Europe.  Coasting 
vessels  became  leaky  or  ran  short  of  pro 
visions  and  were  obliged  to  put  into  some 
foreign  colonial  port.  Halifax1  to  the  north 
and  Amelia  Island  2  to  the  south  became 
entrepots  for  American  produce.  Eastport 
and  Passamaquoddy  assumed  an  impor 
tance  unique  in  their  history,  and  their 
beaches  for  miles  were  dotted  with  barrels 
of  flour,  en  route  for  Canada  and  Halifax.3 
One  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  barrels 

1  "  Cleared  from  the  port  of  Salem,  schooner  'Charles,' 
'Liberty'  and  'Lucy'  for  Portland.    The  'Royal'  and 
'Good  Content'  for  the  Penobscot.  The  'Franklin'  and 
'Four  Sisters'  for  Frenchman's  Bay.   The  'Enterprise,' 
'Cherrystone'  and  'Mary*  for  Portsmouth  and  twelve 
more  for  Machias  and  other  Maine  ports.     Probably  all 
reached  Halifax  or  Eastport."  —  Salem  Gazette,  July  27, 
1807. 

2  Mr.  Troup,  during  a  speech  delivered  Feb.  21, 1809, 
read  a  letter  from  St.  Mary's,  Amelia  Island,  saying  that 
twenty  vessels  had  lately  sailed  from  the  island,  laden 
with  cotton  and  provisions.  Twenty  more  would  soon  sail 
and  seven  ships  and  two  brigs  were  waiting  to  load. 

3  Wheeler,  History  of  Castine. 


34        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

of  flour  were  shipped  to  Eastport  during 
the  first  year  of  the  embargo.1  So  long  as 
flour  could  be  bought  in  the  United  States 
for  five  dollars  and  sold  in  Canada  for 
twelve  and  Jamaica  for  twenty-five  dol 
lars  a  barrel,  the  embargo  was  powerless.2 
Freights  were  so  high  that  a  vessel  could 
afford  to  forfeit  her  bond  and  go  abroad  to 
trade. 

The  "Boston  Palladium"  of  June  24, 
1808,  gives  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  in 
Bristol,  England,  to  an  American  mer 
chant  in  Liverpool  from  which  the  follow 
ing  is  an  extract.  "There  is  now  here  an 
American  schooner  of  109  tons,  the  'Eliza 

1  Cargoes  were  also  landed   between  West  Quoddy 
and  Maehias  River,  within  three  miles  of  British  territory. 
The  price  paid  for  getting  a  barrel  of  flour  across  the  line 
was  twelve  and  a  half  cents  at  first  and  later  rose  to  three 
dollars.     One  man  was  said  to  have  made  $47  in  one 
night,  running  flour  across  the  line.  —  KELLY,  History 
of  Eastport  and  Passamaquoddy,  p.  144. 

2  In  the  early  days  of  the  embargo  two  New  Haven 
vessels  with  flour  reached  St.  Kitts,  W.  I.,  and  sold  their 
flour  at  fifty-four  dollars  a  barrel,  realizing  550  per  cent. 
—  New  Haven  Hist.  Soc.  Papers,  p.  168. 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         35 

and  Katy,'  without  any  papers,  she  hav 
ing  escaped  from  the  embargo.  You  could 
charter  her  for  Lisbon  or  Oporto  for  $5500. 
Some  persons  ask  as  high  as  five  dollars 
a  ton  for  ships  to  America.  There  are  only 
ten  Americans  here."1  Mr.  Lloyd  of  Massa 
chusetts  in  a  speech2  on  the  embargo  stated 
that  two  dollars  a  ton  a  month  was  a  fair 
price  to  pay  in  ordinary  good  times.  Tak 
ing  this  as  a  basis,  the  "Eliza  and  Katy" 
would  have  earned  under  ordinary  con 
ditions  some  twenty-five  hundred  dollars 
a  year.  A  voyage  to  Lisbon,  even  if  the 
charter  included  a  return  trip,  would  not 
have  taken  three  months,  so  that  the  vessel 
would  have  earned  nine  times  the  usual  rate. 
Much  stress  was  laid  by  the  supporters 
of  the  embargo  in  Congress  on  the  attitude 
of  Mr.  William  Gray,  the  great  ship-owner 

1  One  year  before  the  Naval  Chronicle  for  1807,  p.  86, 
states :  "  As  a  proof  of  the  extensive  carrying  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  in  the  Liverpool  papers  there  are  93  vessels  adver 
tised  for  freight,  of  which  77  are  Americans." 

2  Speech  of  Mr.  Lloyd  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
Nov.  25,  1808. 


36        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

of  Salem,  who  was  quoted  as  saying,  that 
"under  the  conditions  prevailing  in  Europe, 
an  honest  ship  master  could  not  carry  on 
his  business,  and,  therefore,  the  vessels  of 
all  honest  men  had  better  be  tied  up  at  the 
wharves."  It  is  hinted  in  the  "Salem  Ga 
zette"  of  that  day,  that  certain  large  ship 
owners  who  were  in  favor  of  the  embargo 
had  many  of  their  vessels  abroad  and  an 
accumulation  of  goods  in  their  warehouses, 
so  that  they  stood  to  profit  by  the  act  both 
abroad  and  at  home.1  The  "Boston  Palla 
dium"  of  Jan.  13,  1809,  expresses  the  same 
idea.  "The  people  who  were  the  greatest 
gainers  by  the  embargo  were  the  great  cap 
italists,  who  had  on  hand  when  the  em 
bargo  was  laid,  immense  stocks  of  foreign 
goods  which  this  unjust  system  has  occa 
sioned  to  rise.  Mr.  Smith  of  Maryland, 

1  "Mr.  Gray  having  an  immense  property  in  France 
and  countries  subject  to  France  is  in  favor  of  that  policy 
which  will  preserve  peace  with  Napoleon,  and  having  a 
good  stock  of  Indian,  Russian,  and  Italian  goods  on  hand, 
he  is  daily  growing  richer  by  the  embargo."  —  Newbury- 
port  Herald,  Aug.  26,  1808. 


POLITICAL  AND   COMMERCIAL         37 

who  supported,  and  still  approves  the  mea 
sure,  is  said  to  have  made  four  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  and  Mr.  Gray  of  Salem 
must  have  been  a  great  gainer." 

Whether  Mr.  Gray  used  the  words 
quoted,  or  whether  he  gained  or  lost  by  the 
embargo,  the  writer  is  ignorant,  but  it  is 
a  fact,  as  the  diary  of  Capt.  Lamson  shows, 
that  four  days  before  the  Non-importation 
Bill  became  operative  and  twelve  days  be 
fore  the  embargo,  Mr.  Gray  dispatched 
the  ship  "Wells,"  under  Capt.  Lamson, 
with  a  cargo  to  Alicante.1  It  is  fair  to  pre 
sume  that  at  this  time  then  Mr.  Gray  did 
not  feel  that  an  honest  man's  vessels  had 
better  be  tied  up  at  the  wharf.  It  is  also 
true  that,  judging  from  Capt.  Lamson's 
"Diary,"  the  "Wells,"  despite  her  capture 
by  privateers  from  Algeciras,  and  the  bond 
for  five  thousand  dollars  exacted,  made 
good  profits  for  Mr.  Gray  during  the  years 
1808  and  1809,  and  was  only  ordered 

1  "Ship   'Wells,'   Lamson,   cleared   from   Salem   for 
Alicante."  —  Salem  Gazette,  Dec.  4,  1807. 


38 


CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 


home,1  when  it  was  evident  to  Mr.  Gray 
that  the  repeal  of  the  embargo  could  not 
much  longer  be  delayed. 

Capt.  Mahan2  quotes  Senator  Smith  of 
Maryland  as  saying,3  "It  has  been  truly 
said  by  an  eminent  merchant  of  Salem  that, 
'Not  more  than  one  vessel  in  eight  that 
sailed  for  Europe  within  a  short  time  be 
fore  the  embargo,  reached  its  destination.4 

1  "Arrived  'Wells/  Lamson,  forty  seven  days,  To  Wil 
liam  Gray.   Dry  goods,  salt  and  coals.    Passenger,  Mr. 
Story."  —  Columbian  Centinel,  June  5,  1809. 

2  Influence  of  Sea  Power  on  the  War  of  1812,  vol.  i,  p. 
184. 

3  Speech  in  the  United  States  Senate,  Nov.  28,  1808. 

4  Niles  Register,  vol.  iii,  p.  67.  Report  by  Mr.  Monroe. 


By  England 


By  France 


Captures    prior    to 
the    British    or 

Captures     prior     to 
Berlin  Decree 

206 

ders    in    council 

Nov.  1807 

528 

Subsequent 

389 

Captures  during  ex 
ecution  of  Decree 

307 

Total 

917 

Captures  since  revo 
cation  of  Decree 
Total 

46 

559 

POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         39 

My  own  experience  has  taught  me  the 
proof  of  this,  and  as  a  further  proof,  I  have 
in  my  hand  a  list  of  fifteen  vessels  which 
sailed  for  Europe  between  Sept.  1st  and 
Dec.  23,  1807.  Three  arrived,  two  were 
captured  by  French  or  Spanish,  one  was 
seized  at  Hamburg  and  nine  were  carried 
into  England."  This  speech  of  Senator 
Smith's  caused  a  good  deal  of  discussion 
in  the  Salem  papers,  and  the  "Gazette" 
of  Aug.  23, 1808,  prints  a  letter  from  a  mer 
chant  giving  a  different  story:  "Of  seven 
teen  vessels  which  sailed  in  the  month  pre 
ceding  the  embargo,  nine  reached  their 
ports  and  have  returned  in  safety,  one  has 
landed  a  profitable  cargo  in  England,  and 
of  the  rest  three  have  been  detained  by  the 
French  or  Spanish  and  have  not  yet  been 
condemned." 

How  large  a  proportion  of  vessels  seized 
were  actually  condemned  the  writer  has 
been  unable  to  ascertain.  Of  forty  cases  in 
the  High  Admiralty  Court  on  appeal,  as 
reported  by  Acton,  condemnation  was  af- 


40        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.   LAMSON 

firmed  in  two  thirds,  but  the  proportion  of 
vessels  released  where  no  appeal  was  made 
must  have  been  much  greater.  Except 
when  influenced  by  some  state  exigency, 
the  decisions  were  usually  fair.  The  total 
number  of  seizures  of  American  vessels  by 
France  and  England,  prior  and  subsequent 
to  the  English  orders  in  council  and  French 
decrees,  is  given  by  Mr.  Monroe  in  his  re 
port  as  1475. 

As  to  the  commercial  danger  of  a  voy 
age  during  the  year  1808  something  can 
be  learned  from  insurance  statistics.  Mr. 
Pickering  of  Massachusetts  in  his  speech1  on 
the  embargo,  in  answer  to  Mr.  Giles,  states 
that,  taking  the  records  of  four  insurance 
companies  on  218  risks,  the  losses  amounted 
to  six  per  cent  on  the  total  insurance.  The 
premium  on  insurance  to  the  West  Indies 
at  this  time  was  eleven  per  cent  to  go  and 
return;2  to  Sumatra,  out  and  back,  four- 

1  Nov.  80,  1808. 

2  In  1800  the  rate  of  insurance  in  Wells,  Me.,  for  a  voy 
age  to  the  West  Indies  and  return  was  four  per  cent.  — 
BOURNE,  History  o]  Wells,  p.  577. 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         41 

teen  per  cent;  from  Calcutta  home,  eight 
per  cent  ;  from?  Europe  to  the  United 
States,  if  not  violating  orders  in  council, 
nine  or  ten  per  cent,  or,  insurance  against 
French  alone,  four  per  cent.  Stephens  states 
in  "War  in  Disguise"  that  English  under 
writers  were  willing  to  insure  neutrals 
against  condemnation  for  breach  of  the 
neutrality  laws,  for  a  moderate  premium. 
At  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  Em 
bargo  Act,  many  merchants  had,  or  claimed 
to  have,  large  amounts  of  goods  abroad, 
which,  they  argued,  it  was  only  fair  they 
should  be  allowed  to  bring  to  this  country. 
Congress  accordingly  passed  a  supplement 
ary  act  allowing,  by  especial  permission 
of  the  President,  vessels  to  go  abroad  in 
ballast  to  bring  back  such  property.  Some 

Freight  and  insurance  may  be  reckoned  in  time  of 
peace  as  22*  per  cent.  In  time  of  war,  55  per  cent.  — 
American  State  Papers,  vol.  xiv,  p.  22. 

In  1810  Captain  Lamson  paid  20  per  cent  for  insurance 
on  his  adventure  in  the  ship  "Wells"  on  a  voyage  to  St. 
Sebastian.  —  Diary  of  Z.  G.  Lamson. 


42        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

of  the  vessels,  doubtless,  made  the  voyage 
in  good  faith,  some  did  a  little  trading  and 
returned,  and  many  did  not  return  until 
the  embargo  was  removed.  "Salem  Ga 
zette,"  Jan.  24,  1809:  "In  consequence  of 
a  call  of  the  Senate,  Mr.  Gallatin  has  made 
a  statement  of  the  number  of  vessels  *  per 
mitted  '  to  proceed  to  foreign  ports  between 
Dec.  22,  1807,  and  Sept.  30,  1808,  nine 
months,  by  which  it  appears  that  '594  ves 
sels  have  thus  sailed,  and,  of  these,  413  have 
returned  and  137  have  not  returned.  Thir 
teen  were  prevented  from  proceeding.  Of 
these  seven  were  taken  by  our  cruisers  and 
six  by  the  British."' 

Mr.  Pickering,  in  the  same  speech  from 
which  I  have  quoted,  states,  that  22  vessels 
sailed  from  Salem  and  Beverly,  by  per 
mission,  between  April  5,  1808,  and  Aug. 
10,  1808.  Of  the  whole  number  nine  had 
not  been  heard  from.1  "But  it  is  not  known 
that  any  have  been  detained  or  condemned, 

1  The  nine  not  heard  from  had  probably  broken  parole 
and  were  trading  abroad. 


POLITICAL   AND   COMMERCIAL         43 

and  the  rest  all  made  their  voyages  suc 
cessfully." 

The  power  to  grant  permits  for  foreign 
trade  was  a  dangerous  one  to  put  in  the 
hands  of  one  man,  but  its  exercise  was 
limited,  its  benefits  undeniable,  and  it  ex 
cited  little  opposition.  The  Act  of  April 
25,  1808,  however,  was  so  unlimited  in  its 
grants,  so  outrageous  in  its  nature,  that  even 
conservative  Republicans  were  shocked 
and  alarmed.  By  it  the  President  was  au 
thorized  to  detain  any  vessel  bound  coast 
wise,  on  mere  suspicion  that  she  intended 
to  evade  the  embargo  laws.  A  circular 
letter1  was  addressed  by  the  President  to 

1  Part  of  a  circular  letter  from  President  Jefferson  to 
the  governors  of  several  states. 

"WASHINGTON,  May  6,  1808. 

.  .  .  "Congress,  by  the  Act  of  April  25,  authorized  the 
absolute  detention  of  all  vessels  bound  coastwise  with 
cargoes  exciting  suspicion  of  intention  to  evade  the  em 
bargo  laws.  There  being  very  few  towns  on  the  sea-coast 
that  cannot  be  supplied  from  their  ulterior  country,  ship 
ments  of  flour  became  suspicious  and  proper  subjects  for 
detention.  ...  I  request  of  your  Excellency,  whenever 


44        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

the  governors  of  the  importing  states,  call 
ing  attention  to  the  law,  and  asking  them 
to  give  certificates  in  favor  of  any  merchant 
in  whom  they  had  confidence,  whenever 
they  needed  flour  or  provisions. 

It  is  necessary,  writes  Jefferson  to  Gal- 
latin,  "to  consider  every  vessel  as  suspi 
cious  which  has  on  board  any  article  of 
domestic  produce  in  demand  at  foreign 
markets,  especially  provisions." 

The  power  granted  by  this  act  was  used 
by  the  President  with  unsparing  severity. 
Governors  of  states  were  informed  by  the 
President  that  they  were  too  liberal  in  their 
permits,  cities  were  told  that  their  supply 
of  flour  was  sufficient,  and  if  they  wanted 
more  it  must  be  for  improper  purposes, 
and  individuals  were  refused  permits  be 
cause  they  were  not  in  sympathy  with  the 
embargo.  It  is  not  probable  that  any  state 

you  deem  it  necessary  that  your  present  stock  of  flour  be 
enlarged,  to  take  the  trouble  to  give  your  certificate  in 
favor  of  any  merchant  in  whom  you  have  confidence,  for 
any  amount  you  may  deem  necessary  for  consumption." 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         45 

or  city  really  suffered  for  food  in  conse 
quence  of  this  act,  but  for  many  months 
it  was  in  the  power  of  one  man  to  say 
whether  the  inhabitants  of  certain  cities 
should  eat  white  bread  or  black,  or  in 
deed,  whether  they  should  eat  any  bread 
at  all.1 

The  "  Salem  Gazette  "  of  Sept.  27, 1808,  in 
an  article  entitled  "  Permits,"  says,"  whether 
Federal  or  Democrat,  we  do  not  know  why 
one  man  should  be  permitted  to  trade  with 
Passamaquoddy  in  flour  and  another  re 
strained,  or  why  either  should  be  restrained. 
We  should  like  to  know  by  what  provision  of 
the  Constitution  the  President  can  do  these 
things."  The  President,  however,  by  this 

1  Memorial  from  the  third  ward  of  the  City  of  New 
York,  Feb.  6,  1809.  "The  city  of  New  York  receives  its 
supplies  of  provisions  and  necessities  from  boats  and 
small  craft.  Under  the  Act  the  collector  may  refuse,  and 
the  President  may  direct  him  to  refuse,  to  give  the  permits 
necessary  for  their  vessels  to  move.  We  suppose  New 
York  to  be  the  only  city  in  the  world,  where  under  a  formal 
law,  the  people  may  be  starved  at  the  will  of  one  man." 
—  American  State  Papers,  vol.  xiv,  p.  745. 


46        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.    LAMSON 

time  was  in  a  state  of  mind  where  he  cared 
little  for  the  Constitution.  His  favorite 
measure,  the  embargo,  had,  so  far,  proved 
a  failure,  he  believed,  through  its  lax  en 
forcement,  and  when  Congress  met  in  No 
vember,  he  asked,  and  obtained,  as  Henry 
Adams  says,1  "powers  practically  unlim 
ited,  so  far  as  private  property  was  con 
cerned,  powers,  in  comparison  with  which 
the  alien  and  sedition  laws  were  narrow 
and  jealous  in  their  grants,  powers  which 
placed  the  fortunes  of  at  least  half  the  com 
munity  directly  under  his  control." 

The  Act  of  Jan.  9,  1809,  for  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  embargo,  was  most  drastic  in 
its  nature.  No  vessel  could  load  without 
having  obtained  permission  from  the  Cus 
tom  House,  and  her  bond  that  she  would 
not  sail  without  a  clearance  was  increased 
from  twice  to  six  times  the  value  of  her 
cargo.  The  powers  of  collectors  were  made 
so  extensive  and  inquisitory 2  that  to  carry 

1  Life  of  Gattalin. 

2  "Freedom  of  the  seas.  Yesterday  Capt.  Farrar  of  the 


POLITICAL   AND    COMMERCIAL         47 

on  the  coasting  trade  at  all  became  difficult 
and  humiliating. 

The  army,  navy,  and  militia  of  the 
United  States  were  put  at  the  disposal  of 
collectors  of  ports  and  the  coast  was  block 
aded  from  Maine  to  New  Orleans.  Vessels 
that  traded  in  defiance  of  the  law,  and  some 
that  claimed  to  be  within  the  law,  were 
seized,  tried  and  condemned,  and  the  prize 
money  shared  among  their  captors  as  if  war 
existed.1  By  the  middle  of  February,  1809, 
the  situation  had  become  truly  alarming. 
The  numerous  petitions  sent  from  towns 
throughout  the  country  had  been  ignored 
by  the  President,  and  the  new  enforcement 
law  was  rigidly  applied.  The  leaders  of  the 
Federalists  in  New  England  made  no  se 
cret  of  their  intention  to  resist  the  law  by 

schooner  'Betsey*  was  refused  clearance  for  Passama- 
quoddy  from  Salem  until  he  had  taken  out  a  barrel  of  tar, 
some  earthen  pots  and  a  barrel  of  beef.  No  doubt  the  col 
lector  acts  according  to  orders,  but  the  execution  must  be 
painful."  —  Salem  Gazette,  July  15,  1808. 

"Rich  cruises.  Letter  from  New  Orleans  of  Aug.  26, 
from  gunboat  No.  19,  states,  that  the  amount  of  prize 


48         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

force  if  necessary,1  and  some  among  them 
would  have  welcomed  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union.  Among  the  common  people,  how 
ever,  there  was  no  real  feeling  of  disloyalty. 
They  loved  the  Union,  but,  Federalist  and 
Democrat  alike,  they  were  disgusted  with 
the  embargo  and  its  author.  They  knew, 
if  Jefferson  did  not,  that  the  embargo  was 
a  failure,  and  they  proposed  to  stand  it  no 
longer.  They  had  refused  to  submit  to  for 
eign  tyranny,  they  had  no  intention  to  yield 
to  domestic.  Either  naturally  or  by  de 
sign,  their  course  of  resistance  was  closely 
modelled  after  Revolutionary  days.  Bath, 
Maine,  was  the  first  town  to  throw  down 

money  to  each  member  of  the  crew,  from  vessels  seized 
by  her  for  violating  the  embargo,  will  be  two  thousand 
dollars."  —  Salem  Gazette,  Nov.  8,  1808. 

1  "The  tories  of  Boston  openly  threaten  insurrection 
if  their  importation  of  flour  is  stopped.  The  next  post 
will  stop  it.  I  fear  your  Governor  [Sullivan]  is  not  up  to 
the  tone  of  these  paracides,  and  I  hope  on  the  first  symp 
tom  of  an  open  opposition  of  the  law  by  force,  you  will 
fly  to  the  scene  and  aid  in  suppressing  any  commotion." 
—  Part  of  letter  from  Jefferson  to  Gen.  Dearborn, 
Works,  vol.  vi,  p.  334. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          49 

the  gauntlet,  and  at  a  town  meeting  held 
Dec.  27,  1808,  voted  to  appoint  a  commit 
tee  of  safety  and  correspondence.  Two 
weeks  later  Gloucester  did  the  same.  Bos 
ton  called  a  meeting  as  usual  at  Faneuil 
Hall,  and  four  thousand  citizens  passed  a 
vote,  "That  we  will  not  voluntarily  aid  or 
assist  in  the  enforcement  act,  and  that  all 
those  who  shall  so  assist  in  enforcing  upon 
others  the  arbitrary  and  unconstitutional 
provisions  of  this  act  ought  to  be  considered 
as  enemies  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  this  state,  and  hostile  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people."  Some  towns  went 
further  and  in  true  revolutionary  spirit  au 
thorized  the  purchase  of  arms,1  and  the 

1  "At  an  adjourned  meeting  of  the  best  citizens  of 
Newburyport,  it  was  voted,  that  every  subscriber  should  in 
ten  days,  if  possible,  be  provided  with  a  good  musket  and 
24  rounds  of  ball  cartridge,  and  shall  keep  the  same  in  a 
safe  and  convenient  place.  It  was  also  resolved,  that  we 
do  not  consider  the  duty  of  any  soldier  to  aid  in  carry 
ing  into  execution  the  law  of  the  United  States  laying  an 
embargo. — Wm.  Bartlett,  Mod."  — New  York  Evening 
Post,  Jan.  20,  1809. 


50         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

enlistment  of  minute-men.1  One  incident 
of  the  day  recalls  the  Boston  tea  party.  A 
letter  from  Boston  to  the  "New  York 
Evening  Post"  of  Jan.  14,  1809,  says,  "The 
officers  and  men  of  the  'Wasp,'  sloop-of- 
war,  who  were  put  on  board  the  schooner 
'Liberty'  of  Brewster,  arrived  here  last 
night.  On  Monday,  a  party  of  Indians, 
forty  in  number,  boarded  the  'Liberty,' 
put  the  officers  and  crew  on  shore  and  put 
to  sea.  These  Indians  are  said  to  be  the 
descendants  of  the  Aborigines  who  de 
stroyed  the  tea  in  1774." 

The  leaders  of  the  Federal  party  in  Bos 
ton  were  skilful  politicians,  and  President 
Jefferson  played  into  their  hands.  The 
"Boston  Port  Bill"  was  still  recent  enough 
for  its  name  to  thrill  patriotic  hearts,  and 
when  on  the  2nd  of  February  the  flags  of  the 

1  "A  number  of  the  citizens  of  Hallowell  have  agreed 
to  arm  and  equip  themselves,  and  to  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  to  march  at  a  moment's  warning  to  defend 
their  rights  and  liberties."  —  Newburyport  Herald,  Feb. 
19,  1809. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          51 

shipping  in  Boston  harbor  were  seen  draped 
in  black  and  at  half  mast,  and  the  news 
spread  that  the  port  was  closed  *  by  order 
of  President  Jefferson,  the  excitement  was 
intense.  The  second  "Boston  Port  Bill," 
as  it  was  called,  was  a  trivial  affair,  except 
as  showing  the  autocratic  power  of  the  ad 
ministration,  but  it  gave  the  wily  Federal 
ists  a  chance  to  make  a  telling  retort  on  the 
President  by  quoting  his  well-known  letter, 
written  from  Virginia  in  1774,  when  the 
news  of  the  "Boston  Port  Bill"  reached 
him.  Jefferson  wrote,  "If  the  pulse  of  the 
people  beat  calmly  under  such  an  experi- 


DEPARTMENT,  Jan.  27,  1809. 

"Sir:  You  will  please  to  consider  the  instructions  here 
tofore  received  by  you  from  the  Collector  or  his  deputy 
as  inoperative  until  further  orders,  the  letter  from  the 
Deputy  Collector  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  And 
as  no  vessel  can  be  cleared  out  of  the  Port  of  Boston  or 
Charlestown  before  a  Collector  shall  be  appointed,  you 
will  endeavor  to  prevent  any  vessel  departing  from  that 
harbor  contrary  to  law.  Your  obt.  servant, 

"H.  DEARBORN. 

"Col.  John  P.  Boyd." 


5fc         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

ment  by  the  new  and,  'till  now,  unheard  of 
executive  power  of  a  British  Parliament, 
another  and  another  will  be  tried  until  the 
measure  of  despotism  be  filled  up."  For 
tunately  for  the  United  States  and  New 
England,  the  parallelism  between  embargo 
and  revolutionary  days  was  not  completed 
by  a  Boston  massacre.  For  several  weeks, 
however,  the  Federal  authorities  were  set 
at  defiance,  vessels  were  armed  l  to  resist 
the  law,  and  it  only  needed  a  little  more 
audacity  on  one  side,  or  a  little  less  re 
straint  2  on  the  other,  to  precipitate  a  con- 

1  The  brig  "Mary  Jane,"  156  tons,  belonging  to  a 
Bath  firm,  was  armed  and  loaded  for  the  West  Indies. 
No  attempt  was  made  to  conceal  her  intention  to  run  the 
embargo,  and  the  United  States  cutter  was  waiting  for 
her.  She  cleared  for  no  port,  ran  down  the  river  exchang 
ing  broadsides  with  the  government  vessel,  sustained  the 
fire  of  the  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  put  to  sea.  — 
PARKER  McCoBB  READ,  History  of  Bath. 

2  "Letter  from  Providence.  We  are  under  martial  law. 
The  Governor  has  called  out  four  military  companies  to 
protect  the  embargo.  The  companies  met  and  decided  to 
return  to  their  homes.  The  streets  were  thronged  and  had 
a  shot  been  fired,  the  whole  military  force  would  have 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          53 

flict  which  might  have  changed  the  whole 
history  of  the  American  Republic. 

Outside  of  New  England  the  feeling  was 
much  the  same  though  there  was  no  such 
organized  opposition.  At  St.  Albans,  Ver 
mont,  resolutions  were  adopted,  one  of 
which  reads,  "Any  citizen  who  shall  ex 
press  approbation  of  the  present  measures 
of  the  Federal  Government  relative  to  the 
embargo,  is  considered  an  enemy  to  our 
common  country."  The  Augusta  County, 
Virginia,  freeholders  resolved,  "If  the  em 
bargo  is  not  removed,  it  will  produce  the 
downfall  of  the  community,  bankruptcy, 
and  civil  war."  The  "Baltimore  Sun" 
boldly  stated  that  the  civil  compact  had 
been  violated  and  dissolved,  and,  it  goes  on, 
"A  law  which  is  to  be  enforced  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet  will  bring  on  a  struggle, 
which  may  terminate  in  the  overthrow  of 
the  Government." 

Personal  suffering,  too,  by  1809,  in  the 

been  massacred."  —  New  York  Evening  Post,  Jan.  27, 
1809. 


54         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

seaport  towns  had  become  pronounced. 
Sailors,  as  a  class,  are  not  provident,  and 
when  we  consider  that  just  before  the  em 
bargo,  the  United  States  owned  1,200,000 
tons  of  shipping,  manned  by  eighty  thou 
sand  sailors,  it  is  evident  it  could  not  be 
otherwise.  Part  of  our  seamen  were  em 
ployed  on  American  vessels  abroad,  and 
part  in  coasting  and  fishing,  but  the  crews 
that  should  have  manned  two  thirds  of  the 
American  marine  were  idle  or  serving  on 
British  vessels.1  One  of  the  jokes  of  that 
day  on  the  embargo  —  and  the  papers  are 
full  of  them  —  refers  to  the  emigration  to 
Canada :  "  Where  are  you  going,  Jack  ?  To 
Halifax,  by  gum,  I  can't  stand  this  dam'- 
bargo  any  longer."  Those  of  the  sailors 
who  remained  at  home,  and  the  small 
tradesmen  and  mechanics,  suffered,  and 
suffered  severely. 

1  "The  British  packet  'Prince  Ad  olphus'  sailed  from 
New  York  last  Saturday  for  Falmouth,  England.  Her 
decks  were  crowded  with  seamen  going  to  England  to 
seek  employment."—  New  York  Herald,  March  22,  1808. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          55 

In  and  around  Portland,  Maine,  thirty 
firms  failed  the  first  year  of  the  embargo, 
and  by  1809  the  market  house  was  turned 
into  a  soup  kitchen,  and  long  lines  of  soup 
kettles  provided  daily  nourishment  for 
hundreds  of  the  poor.1  New  Haven2  and 
other  towns  adopted  the  same  device,  and 
according  to  the  "Salem  Gazette"  of  Feb. 
7,  1809,  "Twelve  hundred  persons  in  this 
town,  about  one  ninth  of  the  population, 
depend  for  their  daily  subsistence  on  the 
soup  establishments  lately  instituted.  If  to 
these  be  added  those  supported  by  private 
charities,  it  will  probably  be  found,  that 
one  fifth  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  industri 
ous,  enterprising  and  wealthy  town  of  Sa 
lem  are  supported  by  alms."  Marblehead 
was  no  better  off.  "  Her  fishermen  were  idle, 
eighty-seven  fishing  smacks  rotting  at  her 
wharves,  and  the  $2000  appropriated  by 
the  town  for  the  suffering,  insufficient  to 
give  relief."3  Even  under  these  conditions, 

1  Portland  in  the  Past,  p.  426. 

2  New  Haven  Hist.  Soc.  Papers,  p.  168. 

3  Rhodes,  History  of  Marblehead,  p.  231. 


56         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

Marblehead,  the  most  democratic  of  Massa 
chusetts  towns,  kept  steadfast  to  her  faith, 
and  cheered  the  heart  of  Mr.  Jefferson  by 
her  resolution  of  Dec.  7,  1808,  endorsing 
the  embargo  and  offering  her  fishing  fleet l 
to  the  National  Government  to  help  en 
force  the  law. 

Outside  of  New  England  and  the  mid 
dle  states,  financial  loss,  though  perhaps 
not  personal  suffering,  was  greater  than  in 
the  more  frugal  and  wealthy  northern 
states.  The  planters  of  Virginia,  always  in 

1  It  was  hoped  that  the  Government  would  employ 
sufficient  of  the  fishing  fleet  to  afford  work  to  her  idle  sea 
men,  but  so  far  as  the  writer  can  ascertain,  but  one  vessel 
was  thus  employed. 

"One  of  the  Marblehead  fishing  fleet  is  now  fitted  out 
as  a  Guarda  Costa  and  is  ready  to  cruise  to  watch  the  ports 
of  Beverly,  Manchester,  Gloucester  and  all  along  shore. 
She  carries  six  guns  and  thirty-one  men  and  is  commanded 
by  Capt.  Lindsay."  —  Boston  Gazette,  Feb.  20,  1809. 

"Gloucester,  Feb.  22,  1809.  The  following  armed 
fleet  is  now  in  the  harbor.  Gunboat  No.  47,  Nicholson. 
Gunboat  No.  57,  Esken.  Cutter,  'Mary  Babson,'  and  the 
Marblehead  Guarda  Costa  'Dido.'  "  —  Boston  Gazette, 
March  2,  1809. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          57 

debt,  were  ruined  by  the  embargo.  In  North 
and  South  Carolina  the  price  of  produce 
fell  one  half,  and  the  merchants  and  plant 
ers  were  threatened  by  debts  and  execu 
tions.  Rice,  which  before  the  embargo  sold 
freely  at  $3.50,  fell  to  $1.75,  cotton  from 
thirty-four  to  twenty-two  cents  a  pound.1 
Owing  to  the  difficulty  of  shipping  pro 
visions,  the  price  varied  greatly  in  different 
sections  of  the  country.  While  flour  in 
Fredericksburg  sold  at  two  dollars  a  bar 
rel,  in  Massachusetts  it  brought  six  to  eight.2 
Hay  fell  from  fifteen  to  seven  dollars  a  ton.3 
Along  the  frontier  and  on  the  seaboard, 
cotton  and  provisions  were  higher  because 
of  the  enormous  amount  smuggled,  and 

1  Ramsey,  History  of  South  Carolina,  p.  39.   Charles 
ton  Courier,  Feb.  1808. 

Washington,  North  Carolina,  "Effects  of  the  Em 
bargo."  "In  a  neighboring  county  were  sold  1000  acres 
of  land  for  twelve  dollars.  Four  grown  negroes,  three 
horses  and  three  beds  brought  nine  dollars." — New  York 
Evening  Post,  Dec.  8,  1808. 

2  New  York  Herald,  July  19,  1808. 

3  History  of  Newcastle. 


58         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

it  was  to  these  evasions  of  the  law  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  laid  the  failure  of  the  em 
bargo.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  evasions, 
however,  the  law  would  not  have  lasted  six 
months.  The  illicit  traffic  across  the  fron 
tier,  north  and  south,  the  numerous  vessels 
driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  Halifax 
and  the  West  Indies,  the  sixty  vessels  a 
month  allowed  to  sail  by  executive  permis 
sion,  served  as  a  safety  valve,  and  helped 
postpone  the  inevitable  ebullition  of  popu 
lar  wrath. 

The  passage  of  the  Enforcement  Bill  of 
Jan.  9,  1809,  was  the  doom  of  the  embargo. 
On  Feb.  29,  to  the  secret  disappointment 
of  a  few  Federalists,  and  the  great  joy  of 
the  American  people,  the  embargo  was  re 
pealed. 

Mr.  Jefferson  is  said  to  have  believed  to 
his  death  that  the  embargo  was  a  wise 
measure.1  He  was,  to  his  credit  be  it 

1  Jefferson  writes  from  Monticello  in  1810  to  Mr. 
Pinkney  in  reference  to  the  embargo.  "Thus  we  were 
driven  from  the  wise  and  high  ground  we  had  taken,  and 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          59 

spoken,  opposed  to  war ;  1  but  it  was  not  to 
his  credit  that  he  used  his  influence  to  keep 
the  United  States  in  a  condition  where  she 
could  neither  fight  nor  negotiate  with  suc 
cess.  A  tithe  of  the  money  lost  to  the  coun 
try  by  the  embargo,  even  the  two  millions 
wasted  by  Jefferson  on  his  gunboats,2 
would  have  doubled  the  strength  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  and  enabled  us  to  ob 
tain  respect  abroad.  War  there  need  not 
have  been,  for  England,  at  this  time,  could 
not  afford  to  fight,  but  as  long  as  we  con 
fined  ourselves  to  lucid  expositions  of  rights 
and  irritating  recriminations  for  wrongs, 
England  would  pay  no  attention  to  us. 

which,  had  it  been  held,  would  either  have  restored  us 
free  trade  or  established  manufactures."  —  Mass.  Hist. 
Collections,  Jefferson  Papers. 

1  Extract  from  a  letter  of  Jefferson's  to  Sir  John  Sin 
clair.  Philadelphia,  March  23,  1798,  "War  is  an  instru 
ment  entirely  inefficient  toward  reducing  wrongs,  and  it 
multiplies  instead  of  indemnifying  losses." 

2  These  gunboats  were  authorized  in  1806.  Two  years 
later  Paul  Hamilton  reported  that  176  had  been  con 
structed  at  a  cost  of  $1,760,000. 


60         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

As  to  France,  and  by  France  we  mean 
Napoleon,  her  conduct  toward  the  United 
States  was  as  much  worse  than  that  of  Eng 
land  as  a  stab  in  the  back  is  worse  than  a 
blow  in  the  face. 

It  is  of  interest  to  consider  what  trade 
was  open  to  the  United  States  at  a  time 
when  Congress  passed  the  embargo.  In  the 
"Columbian  Centinel"  of  Nov.  26,  1808, 
is  Gallatin's  report  of  exports  to  ports  free 
from  British  orders  in  council,  by  which  it 
appears  that  the  sum  total  of  such  exports 
was  $60,250,486,  of  which  $36,109,999 
were  domestic  and  $24,140,487  were  for 
eign.  The  trade  with  England  and  her 
colonies  was  still  open,  as  well  as  that  with 
the  French,  Spanish,  Dutch  and  Danish 
Islands,  and  with  India,  China,  Asia  Minor 
and  Sweden.  Mr.  Pickering,  in  his  speech 
of  Nov.  30,  1808,  states  that  Mr.  Gray  of 
Salem,  and  Mr.  Thorndike1  of  Beverly, 

1  Quotations  from  a  letter  to  Mr.  Pickering  from  Israel 
Thorndike:  "But  of  the  fact  I  have  no  doubt,  that  our 
trade  would  be  much  greater  if  the  embargo  was  removed, 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          61 

both  prominent  merchants,  in  private  con 
versation  had  expressed  their  belief  that 
the  trade  open  to  the  United  States  free 
from  British  orders  in  council  at  the  time  of 
the  embargo,  was  as  large  as  the  normal 
trade  in  time  of  peace  for  the  same  period. 
There  is  no  question,  too,  but  that  many 
of  the  seizures  of  American  vessels  by  the 
belligerents  were  such  as  a  neutral  nation 
had  no  right  to  resent.  If  a  merchant  tried 
to  run  the  blockade  at  a  port  legitimately 
guarded,  or  introduced  colonial  goods  in  a 
cargo  ostensibly  domestic,1  he  had  no  right 

than  it  can  be  in  time  of  peace.  Our  exports,  if  embargo 
was  removed,  would  be  $66,250,000.  If  peace  was  to 
take  place,  and  the  European  nations  resume  their  trade, 
we  should  export  $54,699,000." 

1  A  little  more  care  on  the  part  of  American  exporters 
would  have  saved  much  trouble  and  expense.  "Admi- 
rality  Court  of  Sept.  29,  Sir  William  Scott.  Case  of  the 

*  Minerva/  Caldwell,  Master.  Vessel  from  New  York  to 
Amsterdam.   Only  question  was  on  some  hides  brought 
by  another  vessel  from  Central  America,  and  put  on  the 

*  Minerva*  without  landing.    Court  held  it  was  not  a 
bona  fide  importation  and  confiscated  the  hides  but  re 
stored  the  ship  and  the  rest  of  the  cargo."  —  Salem 
Gazette,  Nov.  20,  1807. 


62         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

to  complain  if  his  vessel  was  seized.  The 
fact  was,  that  the  merchants  of  the  United 
States  played  a  sharp  game,  and  were  as 
unscrupulous  in  regard  to  belligerent  rights 
as  England  and  France  were  in  regard  to 
neutral  rights. 

On  April  17,  1808,  those  American  ves 
sels  which  had  been  abroad  when  the  em 
bargo  was  passed,  as  well  as  those  which 
had  escaped  from  the  United  States  during 
the  embargo,  received  from  the  French 
Emperor1  one  of  his  characteristic  blows 

1  From  1807  to  1812  the  duplicity  shown  by  Napoleon 
in  his  treatment  of  American  commerce  was  simply  as 
tounding.  At  the  very  moment  he  was  meditating  some 
act  of  confiscation  of  American  vessels,  his  expressions 
of  friendship  for  the  country  would  be  most  profound. 
Even  his  own  ministers,  not  easily  abashed,  were  at  times 
mortified  and  disgusted  with  his  measures.  Mr.  Serurier 
in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Monroe  under  date  of  July  20,  1811, 
writes,  "The  introduction  of  tobacco  is  not  prohibited 
in  France.  It  forms  the  first  object  of  culture  of  some  of 
the  States  of  the  Union,  and  his  Majesty  having  an  equal 
interest  in  the  prosperity  of  all,  desires  that  the  relations 
of  commerce  should  be  common  to  all  parts  of  the  Fed 
eral  territory."  This  was  written  within  a  few  days  of  the 
confiscation  of  large  amounts  of  American  tobacco. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          63 

through  the  Bayonne  Decree,  ordering  se 
questration  of  all  American  vessels  in 
French  ports,  as  being  under  suspicion  of 
having  come  from  England.  They  must 
come  from  England,  was  his  plea,  as  the 
embargo  forbids  their  coming  from  the 
United  States. 

The  embargo  was  repealed  Feb.  29, 1809, 
to  take  effect  March  15,  and  a  Non-inter 
course  Bill  substituted.  Under  this  act 
French  and  English  vessels  were  excluded 
from  our  ports,  and  importations  from 
those  countries  were  forbidden.1  American 
vessels  sailing  from  our  ports  were  under 

1  Evasions  of  the  Non-intercourse  Act  were  carried 
on  systematically.  One  curious  instance  of  this  is  given 
in  the  History  of  Eastport  and  Passamaquoddy,  p.  156. 
Under  the  law  plaster  of  paris  could  not  be  imported  into 
the  States  from  the  Provinces.  A  cargo  would  be  run 
into  Eastport,  and  the  owner  would  go  to  the  Custom 
House  and  inform  against  himself.  The  cargo  would  be 
seized,  confiscated  and  sold  at  auction.  There  would  be 
no  opposition  and  the  cargo  would  be  bid  in  by  the  owner 
for  a  trifle.  Half  the  sum  realized  would  be  returned  to 
the  owner,  under  the  law  for  informing.  The  cargo  was 
now  American  property  and  could  be  shipped  anywhere. 


64         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

bonds  not  to  engage  in  the  trade  or  enter 
the  ports  of  either  nation.  In  case,  however, 
either  France  or  England  should  withdraw 
their  decrees  or  orders  in  council  in  such 
form  as  to  satisfy  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  then  he,  by  proclamation, 
might  open  trade  with  the  one  or  both  so 
doing. 

Mr.  Jefferson  retired  from  office  before 
the  repeal  of  the  embargo  actually  went 
into  effect,  carrying  with  him  as  a  valedic 
tory  the  remark  of  John  Randolph,  that, 
"Never  has  there  been  an  administration 
which  went  out  of  office  and  left  the  nation 
in  a  state  so  deplorable  and  calamitous  as 
this."  And  now,  the  Federalists,  with  the 
taste  of  the  embargo  still  bitter,  and  the 
flavor  of  the  Non-intercourse  Bill  not  sat 
isfying,  drank  the  toast,  "Mr.  Madison, 
may  he  immediately  after  receiving  the 
mantle  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  be  struck  with  a 
perpetual  embargo,  hauled  up  in  a  dry  dock 
and  dis-mantled." 

Soon  after  the  passage  of  the  Non-inter- 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          65 

course  Act,  Mr.  Erskine,  the  British  minis 
ter  at  Washington,  made  representations  to 
the  government  that  the  British  ministry 
were  prepared  to  withdraw  their  Orders  in 
Council  of  Jan.  7  and  Nov.  1,  so  far  as  they 
affected  the  United  States,  provided  the 
President  would  release  England  from  the 
application  of  the  Non-intercourse  Act,  as 
he  was  authorized  to  do  in  the  bill. 

In  this  offer  Mr.  Erskine  exceeded  his 
instructions,  or,  rather,  suppressed  the  con 
ditions  on  which  he  was  authorized  to 
make  such  an  arrangement.  Mr.  Madison, 
pleased  to  begin  his  administration  in  so 
satisfactory  a  manner,  promptly  consented, 
and  on  April  19, 1809,  issued  a  proclamation 
announcing  that  trade  might  be  resumed 
with  England  on  June  10,  the  date  fixed 
for  the  withdrawal  of  the  orders  in  council. 
Mr.  Erskine's  action  was  promptly  disa 
vowed  by  Mr.  Canning  for  the  British 
government,  and  Aug.  11,  the  Non-inter 
course  Bill  was  again  put  in  force  against 
England. 


66         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

On  the  26th  of  April,  1809,  Great  Britain 
revoked  her  Orders  in  Council  of  Nov.  1, 
1807,  and  substituted  a  blockade  of  the 
coasts  of  Holland,  France  and  that  part  of 
Italy  actually  occupied  by  the  French.  This 
blockade  was  supposed  to  be  a  real  one, 
and  neutral  vessels  were  no  longer  com 
pelled  to  go  first  to  England,  but  the  trade 
in  licenses  and  simulated  papers  went  on 
as  merrily  as  ever.  The  limitation  of  the 
blockade,  however,  was,  on  the  whole, 
helpful  to  American  trade,  which  now 
began  to  revive,1  but  which,  as  Mahan 
says,  "did  not  again,  before  the  war  regain 
the  fair  proportions  of  the  year  preceding 
the  Embargo." 

Although  1807  was  undoubtedly  the  ban 
ner  year  for  American  commerce,  so  far  as 

1  "Cleared  from  the  port  of  Salem,  from  March  16, 
to  April  15.  To  Canton  1  ship,  1  brig.  Sumatra,  6  ships, 
1  bark,  1  brig.  Gottenberg,  2  ships,  5  brigs,  1  schooner. 
Rio  Janeiro,  Sardinia,  Sicily,  Tangiers,  Azores,  Fayal, 
Portugal,  St.  Barts,  Havanna,  La  Guayra  sixty  vessels 
manned  by  574  sea-men." — Salem  Gazette,  April  13, 
1809. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          67 

exports  and  profits  were  concerned,  still 
examination  of  statistics  shows  the  differ 
ence  between  that  year  and  1810  was  not  as 
great  as  it  seems.  On  the  face  of  the  figures 
shown,  the  difference  is  enormous.  Our 
exports  for  1807  were  in  round  numbers 
$108,000,000,  and  for  1810,  $66,000,000,  a 
difference  of  $42,000,000  in  favor  of  1807.1 
But  our  domestic  exports  for  1807  were 
$48,000,000,  and  for  1810,  $42,000,000,  a 
difference  of  only  six  million,  and  even  this 
difference  might  disappear  had  prices  been 
the  same  in  the  two  years. 

The  fact  is,  domestic  exports  were  larger 
in  1810,  but  the  price  received  for  them  was 
less.2  We  exported  in  1810, 27,000,000  more 
pounds  of  cotton,  but  the  price  had  fallen 
from  twenty-two  to  fifteen  cents  a  pound. 
We  exported  forty  thousand  more  tierces  of 
rice  in  1810,  but  the  price  was  twenty-five 
dollars  a  tierce  in  1807,  and  twenty  dollars 

1  Pitkin,  Commerce  of  America,  p.  275. 

2  Pitkin,  Commerce  o]  America,  Niles  Register,  vol.  11, 
p.  315. 


68         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

in  1810.  Our  exports  of  tobacco  were 
twenty  thousand  hogsheads  more  in  1810, 
but  we  received  twenty  dollars  a  hogshead 
less.  Flour  was  an  exception,  being  fifty 
cents  a  barrel  more  in  1810. 

Now  it  was  the  domestic  exports  that 
really  constituted  the  trade  of  the  United 
States  for  the  two  years.  The  mere  fact 
that  twenty  or  thirty  million  dollars'  worth 
of  sugar  and  coffee  was  landed  in  our  ports, 
and  then  transhipped  to  the  Continent,  is 
not  such  a  great  factor.  Of  course,  there 
was  the  profit  of  entrepot,  but  the  great 
object  was  to  get  the  vessels  out  of  the 
United  States  as  soon  as  possible,  and,  had 
it  been  allowed,  these  cargoes  of  sugar  and 
coffee  would  never  have  been  landed  in  the 
United  States,  and  never  have  figured  as 
exports  or  imports. 

If,  however,  the  loss  of  thirty-five  million 
dollars'  worth  of  foreign  exports  in  1810,  as 
compared  with  1807,  meant  a  loss  to  the 
carrying  trade  of  the  United  States  in  pro 
portion,  then,  indeed,  the  loss  would  be  a 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          69 

serious  one.  But  the  fact  is,  the  whole 
tonnage  of  the  United  States  in  1807  was 
1,197,333,  and  in  1810,  1,389,715;  that  is, 
nearly  two  hundred  thousand  more  tons  in 
1810  than  in  1807.  The  tonnage  built  in  1806 
was  126,393,  and  in  1810, 127,575.1  Now  it  is 
fair  to  say,  that  the  merchants  of  the  United 
States  would  not  have  increased  their  ton 
nage  unless  there  was  work  for  it  to  do,  and 
whether  that  work  was  carrying  coffee  and 
sugar  on  a  broken  voyage  to  Europe,  or 
trading  in  some  foreign  country,  so  long  as 
the  vessels  were  busy,  made  little  difference. 
The  year  1811  makes  as  good  showing  as 
1810,  and  these  facts  are  interesting  as 
showing  that  there  still  remained  to  the 
United  States  a  large  and  lucrative  com 
merce  when  the  War  of  1812  was  declared. 
The  Non-intercourse  Act,  like  the  em 
bargo,  was  a  failure,  and  May  1,  1810,  the 
act  was  repealed  and  another  substituted, 
which  gave  the  President  the  power,  in  case 
either  France  or  England  should  rescind 

1  Pitkin,  Commerce  of  America,  p.  430. 


70         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY   G.   LAMSON 

their  obnoxious  decrees  or  orders  in  council, 
to  make  proclamation  to  that  effect,  and  if 
within  three  months  the  other  nation  did 
not  follow  its  example,  then  those  sections 
of  the  Non-intercourse  Act  which  forbade 
importation  from  or  trade  with  the  country 
so  refusing  should  again  be  put  in  force. 

About  the  same  time,  March  23,  1810, 
Napoleon  pronounced  the  "Rambouillet 
Decree,"  not  published,  however,  until 
May  14,  confiscating  any  "American  ship 
or  its  cargo  which  was  in  or  might  enter  any 
port  of  France,  her  colonies,  or  any  territory 
in  possession  of  French  troops."  Under 
this  decree,  ships  and  cargoes  to  the  amount 
of  ten  million  dollars  were  seized  in  France, 
Spain,  Italy  and  Holland.  It  is  probable 
that  some  of  these  so-called  American  ships 
were  English  with  simulated  papers.1 

The  President,  by  proclamation,  Nov.  2, 

"It  is  an  undoubted  fact,  and  one  well  known  to  the 
trade,  that  most  of  the  English  ships  that  have  gone  to 
the  north  of  Europe  for  the  past  two  years,  have  taken 
the  American  flag  and  simulated  papers.  These  adven- 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          71 

1810,  announced  that  France  had  revoked 
the  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  and  that 
unless  Great  Britain  withdrew  her  orders 
in  council,  violating  neutral  rights,  by  Feb. 
2,  1811,  the  Non-intercourse  Act  would  be 
enforced  against  her.  As  a  fact,  Napoleon, 
with  his  characteristic  shrewdness  and  du 
plicity,  had  not  formally  revoked  the  Berlin 
and  Milan  decrees,  but  the  American  gov 
ernment  was  prepared  to  believe  that  he 
had  practically  done  so,  and  called  on  Eng 
land  to  fulfil  the  promise  she  had  often 
made  that  when  France  revoked  her  decrees 
she  would  withdraw  the  orders  in  question. 
Great  Britain  refused  to  consider  the 
action  of  Napoleon  as  a  revocation  of  the 
decrees,  and  consequently  declined  to  with 
draw  the  orders  as  requested.  The  result 
was,  that  Congress  passed,  Feb.  28, 1811,  a 
new  bill,  first  repealing  the  Non-intercourse 
Act,  and  then  reviving  it  against  England 

tures  were  commenced  and  concluded  by  English  mer 
chants  in  England."  —  Extract  from  a  London  paper, 
Niles  Register,  vol.  1,  p.  135. 


72         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

only.  Thus  the  last  blow  in  the  warfare 
against  commerce  was  given  by  the  United 
States  government  itself,  and  American 
vessels  that  had  left  England  without  know 
ledge  of  the  new  act,  found,  on  their  arrival 
in  this  country,  that  they  were  prohibited 
from  landing  their  cargoes,  except  under 
heavy  penalties.  Still  harder  was  the  fate 
of  vessels  from  British  India.1  They  had 
been  put  under  bonds  in  India  not  to  land 
their  cargoes  anywhere  except  in  the  United 
States.  If  they  landed  them  in  the  United 
States,  they  must  pay  a  heavy  penalty;  if 
they  landed  them  anywhere  else,  they  for 
feited  the  bond  given  in  India.  The  United 
States  finally  remitted  most  of  these  penal 
ties,  but  only  after  a  long  delay. 

On  the  fourth  of  April,  1812,  Congress 
laid  an  embargo  on  American  shipping  for 
ninety  days,  preparatory  to  war.  War 
could  bring  no  worse  fate  to  the  American 
Marine,  and  June  18,  1812,  war  was  de 
clared. 

1  Pitkiu,  American  Commerce,  p.  211. 


CHAPTER  II 

IN  the  sketch  the  writer  has  given  of  the 
warfare  against  commerce  which  pre 
ceded  the  War  of  1812,  nothing  has  been 
said  on  the  subject  of  impressment,  for, 
while  the  impressment  of  American  seamen 
had  much  to  do  with  bringing  on  the  war, 
it  had  no  direct  effect  on  commerce.  In 
directly,  however,  it  did  affect  commerce, 
in  that  it  stimulated  bad  feeling  between 
our  country  and  England,  and  caused  many 
of  our  citizens  to  favor  measures  of  com 
mercial  restriction  and  retaliation  which 
otherwise  would  have  lacked  their  support. 
Indeed,  one  of  the  last  arguments  of  a  sup 
porter  of  the  embargo  if  pushed  hard  in  de 
bate  was :  we  must  do  something  to  show 
England  that  she  cannot  impress  our  sea 
men  with  impunity. 

This  feeling  of  indignation  against  im- 


74         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

pressment  was  both  honorable  and  patriotic, 
and  it  is  to  the  credit  of  President  Jefferson 
that  through  his  stormy  and  unfortunate 
term  of  service  he  never  wavered  in  the 
position  he  had  taken,  that  the  rights  of 
American  seamen  on  the  ocean  must  be 
respected.  If,  however,  this  could  not  be 
accomplished  by  negotiation,  President 
Jefferson  was  prepared  to  sacrifice  com 
merce  and  have  the  people  of  the  United 
States  live  the  simple  life  of  an  agricultural 
community,1  an  idea  which,  however  pleas 
ant  to  a  rich  planter  or  farmer,  hardly  com 
mended  itself  to  the  inhabitants  of  sterile 
New  England. 

There  was  in  the  question  of  impress- 

"  Perhaps  to  remove  as  much  as  possible  the  occasion 
of  making  war,  it  might  be  better  for  us  to  abandon  the 
ocean  altogether,  that  being  the  element  whereon  we  shall 
be  exposed  to  jostle  with  other  nations.  This  would  make 
us  invulnerable  to  Europe  by  offering  none  of  our  pro 
perty  to  their  prize,  and  would  turn  all  our  citizens  to  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil.  It  might  be  time  enough  to  seek 
employment  for  them  as  seamen,  when  the  land  no  longer 
offers  it."  —  JEFFERSON,  Notes  on  Virginia,  vol.  iv,  p.  20. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          75 

ment  by  England  of  American  sailors,  two 
sides,  as  is  usual,  but  what  is  not  usual, 
there  was  no  compromise  between  them,  no 
middle  ground  on  which  both  could  unite. 
Either  England  had  to  renounce  what  she 
believed  to  be  an  inherent  right,  strength 
ened  by  precedent,  or  America  must  be 
false  to  her  principles,  and  sacrifice  what 
she  claimed  were  the  rights  of  man. 

England,  from  a  time  which  ran  far  back 
in  her  history,  had  claimed  the  right  to  re 
tain  the  allegiance  of  her  subjects,  even 
when  they  had  shown  themselves  forgetful 
or  unwilling,  and  had  wandered  to  a  for 
eign  country.  In  time  of  peace  she  might 
not  care  to  enforce  this  right,  but  when  war 
came  she  insisted  on  her  right  to  reclaim  her 
subjects,  whenever  or  wherever  she  found 
them  on  the  high  seas. 

Of  her  right  to  reclaim  them  from  a  ship 
in  an  English  port,  there  was  no  question. 
This  claim  of  England's  that  a  native-born 
citizen  has  no  right  to  expatriate  himself, 
was  not  peculiar  to  that  country  or  time. 


76         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

Allegiance  carries  with  it  reciprocal  rights 
and  duties,  and  a  man  who  has  enjoyed  his 
country's  protection  has  no  right  in  time  of 
necessity  to  refuse  his  aid.  Even  in  America 
there  were  many  who  believed  England 
right  in  her  contention,  the  only  question 
being  how  those  rights  should  be  enforced. 
Certainly  no  self-respecting  nation  could 
allow  a  foreign  power  to  reclaim  seamen 
within  her  own  territorial  limits,  nor  did 
England  ask  this;  but,  on  the  high  seas, 
where  no  country  held  jurisdiction,  Eng 
land  claimed  the  right  to  search  for,  and 
impress,  her  seamen  whenever  she  found 
them.  Her  navy  meant  so  much  to  her  — 
and  without  seamen  the  navy  was  useless 
— that  the  right  of  impressment  was  deeply 
ingrained  in  every  English  heart,  and,  like 
the  press  gang  in  their  native  ports,  seemed 
an  unpleasant  but  necessary  evil.  So  long 
as  this  claim  was  enforced  against  nations 
whose  own  seamen  in  appearance  and  lan 
guage  were  easily  distinguishable  from  the 
English,  there  was  not  much  chance  for 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          77 

injustice;  but  when  the  United  States  be 
came  a  nation,  the  seamen  of  the  two 
powers  could  not  easily  be  told  apart. 

This,  which  to  an  American  seemed  a 
strong  argument  against  the  practice,  was 
to  the  Englishman  an  added  reason  for  en 
forcing  it.  There  was  little  danger  that  the 
British  sailor  would  seek  the  ships  of  any  of 
the  continental  powers ;  as  a  rule,  he  hated 
foreigners;  but  on  an  American  vessel  he 
found  himself  among  men  of  his  own  race 
and  language,  and  as  the  temptation  was 
greater,  so  was  the  need  of  combating  it. 

The  United  States  made  the  broad  claim 
that  the  flag  should  cover  the  men,  that 
an  American  ship  meant  American  sailors, 
and,  except  in  their  own  ports,  the  English 
had  no  right  to  investigate.  A  vessel  of  the 
English  navy  in  time  of  war  might  under 
international  law  stop  an  American  vessel 
on  the  high  seas  and  examine  her  for  con 
traband  of  war,  and,  if  she  saw  cause,  order 
her  into  an  English  port  for  adjudication; 
but  this  did  not  condemn  the  vessel  or  cargo. 


78         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

The  seizure  must  be  followed  by  a  fair 
trial,  where  evidence  could  be  produced  on 
both  sides ;  and  if  the  capture  was  declared 
illegal,  damages  could  be  demanded.  But 
with  an  impressed  seaman,  whose  personal 
liberty  should  be  worth  more  than  mere 
property,  there  was  no  such  investigation. 
The  British  officer  had  the  crew  mustered 
on  the  quarter-deck  and  picked  out  those 
whom  he  believed,  or  professed  to  believe, 
English.  Had  he  been  honest,  he  must  at 
times  have  made  a  mistake ;  but,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  he  too  often  picked  out  the  best  men 
irrespective  of  nationality.  Many  of  the 
men  thus  impressed  had  certificates  of 
American  naturalization  or  protection ;  but 
the  English  pointed  out,  with  truth,  that 
these  certificates  could  be  procured  by  any 
English  sailor  from  an  American  consul 
for  a  dollar  or  two,  and  were  in  fact  a  mat 
ter  of  barter  among  the  sailors. 

Strange  to  say,  the  feeling  in  the  United 
States  against  impressment  was  strongest 
in  that  section  of  the  country  where  its  evils 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          79 

were  least  felt.  One  third  of  the  shipping,1 
and  presumably  one  third  of  the  sailors  of 
the  United  States,  belonged  to  Massachu 
setts,  and  yet  a  large  minority  of  the  citizens 
of  that  state  were  inclined  to  condone,  if 
not  justify,  England's  course.  One  reason 
for  this  was,  undoubtedly,  the  desire  to 
avoid  friction  with  England  and  disturb 
ance  of  trade.  Many,  too,  believed  that 
England  was  really  right  in  her  contention, 
and  that,  as  a  matter  of  policy,  it  was  better 
for  the  United  States  that  her  ships  should 
be  manned  by  American  seamen  and  that 
English  sailors  should  not  be  encouraged 
to  sail  under  our  flag.  That  there  were 
thousands  of  such  native-born  Englishmen 
serving  on  American  vessels  was  acknow 
ledged  by  every  one. 

Mr.  Gray  of  Salem,  at  a  time  when  he 
was  not  in  sympathy  with  the  Federal 
party,  in  evidence  before  a  committee  of 

1  "Tonnage  of  the  United  States  for  the  year  1807 
amounted  to  1,200,000  tons,  of  which  one  third  belonged 
to  Massachusetts."  —  Boston  Gazette,  Jan.  11,  1808. 


80         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representa 
tives,1  stated,  that,  in  his  opinion,  five  per 
cent  of  the  men  serving  on  American  ves 
sels  were  native-born  Englishmen.2  Higher 
pay,  better  food,  less  rigid  discipline  and 
the  desire  to  avoid  the  dangers  of  war  de 
pleted  the  crews  of  English  vessels,  and 
brought  the  deserters  to  the  American 
service. 

That  England  should  wish  to  reclaim 
these  men  was  natural;  that,  having  the 
power,  she  should  insist  on  doing  so  was 
inevitable.  How  it  was  done,  with  what 
consideration  and  justice  the  force  was  ad 
ministered,  depended  on  the  character  of 
the  English  officers  in  command.  The 
actual  investigation  was  considered  too 
trifling  a  circumstance  to  demand  the  pre 
sence  of  an  English  captain,  and  his  lieuten- 

1  Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  Massachusetts,  1813,  p.  43. 

2  "Three  quarters  of  the  sailors  serving  on  vessels 
owned  in  Southern  ports  of  the  United  States,  were  said 
to  be  Englishmen."  —  Mr.  Madison's  War, 


POLITICAL  AND   COMMERCIAL          81 

ant  was  usually  sent  to  represent  him.  The 
subordinate  was  probably  told  to  take  only 
native-born  Englishmen;  but,  if  the  ship 
was  short  of  hands,  he  was  also  told  not  to 
come  back  empty-handed.  The  result  of 
such  an  examination  was  inevitable.  The 
lieutenant  found  the  desired  Englishman; 
some  poor  American  sailor  was  tied  for  an 
indefinite  period  to  a  life  he  dreaded  and 
despised,  and  the  American  vessel  sailed 
away  with  a  crippled  crew,  perhaps  to  lose 
her  spars  in  the  next  gale,  because  she  had 
not  sufficient  men  to  handle  them. 

The  attack  of  the  "Leopard"  on  the 
"Chesapeake,"  June  22,  1807,  intensified 
the  feeling  of  resentment  against  the  Eng 
lish,  though,  strictly  speaking,  it  had  no 
thing  to  do  with  impressment,  but  was 
rather  a  search  for  deserters  on  an  Ameri 
can  man-of-war.  The  British  government 
finally  made  partial  reparation,  and  pro 
vided  against  its  repetition  by  a  Royal 
Proclamation  issued  Oct.  16,  1807,  which 
directed  British  officers  to  restrict  them- 


82         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

selves  to  making  a  demand  for  deserters, 
should  such  a  case  occur,  on  the  naval  of 
ficer  in  command,  and,  in  case  of  refusal, 
refer  the  question  to  the  home  government. 

The  number  of  cases  of  impressment 
was  greatest  in  the  early  years  of  the 
French  wars,  and  diminished  after  the 
French  fleets  were  driven  from  the  sea  and 
the  pressure  on  England  had  lessened. 

In  1796,  the  instructions  given  by  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Timothy  Pickering,  to 
Rufus  King  called  on  him  to  present  our 
side  of  the  question  of  impressment  to  the 
English  government,  under  five  heads.  He 
was  first  to  claim  that  American  ships  made 
American  seamen,  that  is,  no  impressment 
by  the  British  on  the  high  seas.  If  this  claim 
was  negatived,  as  it  undoubtedly  would  be, 
he  was  to  demand  that  foreign  sailors  on 
American  vessels  should  not  be  impressed, 
and  that  certificates  of  citizenship  should 
not  be  demanded,  since  they  proved  no 
thing  and  were  frequently  lost.  He  was 
then  to  request  that  the  British  government 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL         83 

would  agree  to  relieve  from  impressment 
all  native-born  English  sailors  who  were 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  serving  on 
her  vessels  at  the  time  of  the  late  peace. 
Finally,  he  was  to  propose  two  alternative 
suggestions  to  the  British  government: 
either  that  they  should  respect  the  same 
rule  on  an  American  vessel  that  they 
claimed  on  a  British  vessel,  that  three 
years'  service  naturalized  a  man,  or  that 
any  native-born  Englishman  who  had  lived 
five  years  in  the  United  States  should  be 
free  from  impressment.  These  negotia 
tions  came  to  nothing,  and  the  British 
continued  to  impress. 

The  report  of  David  Lenox,  who  acted 
as  agent  for  the  United  States,  employed 
under  the  "Act  for  the  Protection  and  Re 
lief  of  American  Seamen,"  states,  that  up  to 
Jan.  1,  1799,  application  had  been  made  to 
Lords  of  Admiralty  for  the  release  of  651 
impressed  American  seamen.  Of  these  272 
had  been  discharged,  or  ordered  to  be  dis 
charged.  One  hundred  and  seventy  were 


84         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY   G.   LAMSON 

detained,  as  not  being  able  to  prove  their 
citizenship,  ninety-three  had  accepted  a 
bounty  and  entered  the  English  service, 
twenty-nine  were  detained  as  British  sub 
jects,  and  the  balance  had  died,  escaped  or 
could  not  be  found.  Of  the  170  detained 
as  unable  to  prove  their  citizenship,  it  was 
allowed  that  most  of  them  probably  were 
Americans ;  but  with  the  carelessness  of  the 
sailor,  they  had  neglected  to  carry  protec 
tion  papers,  so  that  out  of  651  cases  only 
29,  or  one  half  of  one  per  cent,  were  found 
to  be  English  subjects. 

A  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  of 
December,  1799,  containing  abstracts  of  all 
the  returns  made  to  him  by  the  collectors 
of  the  different  ports,  states  that  many  of 
the  cases  of  impressment  reported  at  this 
time  were  by  French  privateers.  The  fate 
of  the  men  thus  taken  was  doubly  hard. 
They  were  forced  to  serve  amid  a  crew 
alien  in  race,  speech  and  religion,  and  as 
the  ultimate  fate  of  most  of  the  French  pri 
vateers  was  to  be  captured  by  the  English, 


POLITICAL  AND   COMMERCIAL          85 

they  were  when  thus  captured  promptly 
impressed  into  the  British  service. 

In  an  ordinary  case  of  impressment  by 
an  English  man-of-war  the  name  of  the 
vessel  so  impressing  was  brought  back  to 
the  United  States,  and  thus  the  relatives  or 
friends  of  the  impressed  man  had  some  clue 
to  his  fate ;  but  in  the  case  above  described 
the  man's  fate  was  a  hopeless  one.  He  had 
been  robbed  by  the  French  of  his  papers, 
and  was  powerless  to  prove  his  citizenship. 
If  he  accepted  the  bounty  and  signed  pa 
pers  on  the  English  vessel,  he  cut  himself  off 
from  all  hope  of  returning  to  his  native 
land.  If  he  pleaded  his  nationality  and  re 
fused  to  wrork,  he  was  flogged  at  the  tri 
angle.  If  he  worked  but  refused  to  sign, 
he  probably  got  no  pay;  and  after  three 
years'  service  on  an  English  man-of-war, 
he  became  by  law  an  English  subject,  and 
liable,  should  he  escape,  to  all  the  penalties 
of  a  deserter. 

The  number  of  impressments  into  the 
British  service  between  May,  1803,  and 


86         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

March  5,  1806,  is  said  to  have  been  2273,1 
and  "  By  official  returns  lodged  in  the  De 
partment  of  State  we  know  of  6257  im 
pressed  American  seamen."  2 

The  number  given  in  "Niles  Register," 
6257,  given  by  other  authorities  as  6057, 
there  is  reason  to  believe  was  grossly  exag 
gerated. 

On  Feb.  6,  1813,  the  Massachusetts 
House  of  Representatives  passed  the  fol 
lowing  order :  — 

"Whereas  the  President  in  his  message 
has  made  known  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  that  the  British  Orders  in 
Council  have  been  repealed,  except  the 
claim  of  the  right  to  take  British  subjects 
from  the  merchant  ships  of  the  United 
States  —  and,  whereas  all  the  European 
powers  as  well  as  the  United  States  recog 
nize  the  principle  that  their  subjects  have 
no  right  to  expatriate  themselves,  and  that 

1  Mahan,  Influence  of  Sea  Power  an  the  War  of  1812, 
vol.  i,  p.  128. 

2  Niles  Register. 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL          87 

the  nation  has  a  right  to  the  service  of  all  its 
citizens  in  time  of  war,  —  ordered  that  Mr. 
Pickering  of  Salem,  Mr.  Tillinghast  of 
Taunton,  and  Mr.  Watson  of  Belfast  be  a 
committee  to  consider  and  report  what 
measures  are  proper  to  be  taken  to  ascer 
tain  the  number  of  seamen  of  this  common 
wealth  impressed  by  any  foreign  nation." 
The  committee  thus  appointed  reported 
in  substance  that  while  the  official  reports 
of  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Monroe  showed 
6057  cases  of  impressed  American  seamen, 
there  were  in  the  report  so  many  cases  of 
duplication,  such  an  absence  of  particulars 
of  birth  and  residence,  as  to  make  the 
reports  unreliable  and  valueless.  That 
in  pursuance  of  the  order  of  the  Massachu 
setts  House  of  Representatives  they  had 
summoned  before  them  merchants  and 
shipmasters  from  Boston,  Portland,  Salem, 
Marblehead  and  other  seaports,  men  of  all 
shades  of  political  belief,  and  questioned 
them  as  to  their  knowledge  of  pfl«p«  nf 
impressed  American  seamen. 


88         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

The  witnesses  who  appeared  before  this 
committee  were  of  the  highest  character, 
typical  representatives  of  our  New  England 
merchants.  They  included  such  names  as 
Joseph  Peabody  and  William  Orne  of  Sa 
lem,  Israel  Thorndike  of  Beverly,  William 
Gray,  Theodore  Lyman  and  Eben  Parsons 
of  Boston  and  Mr.  Story  of  Marblehead. 
These  men  stated  in  substance  that  they 
had  employed  on  the  average,  for  the  pre 
vious  twelve  or  fifteen  years,  1560  seamen 
annually.  This  would  give  an  aggregate  of 
21,840  employed  by  them  since  1799.  Of 
this  number,  to  the  best  of  their  knowledge 
and  remembrance,  thirty-five  men  had 
been  impressed.  Of  the  thirty-five,  twelve 
were  Americans  and  twenty-three  foreign 
ers.  Of  the  twelve  Americans  nine  were 
discharged,  one  escaped  and  two  had  not 
returned.  Of  the  twenty-three  foreigners, 
six  were  discharged. 

The  whole  number  of  cases  reported  by 
all  witnesses,  including  cases  they  had 
heard  of  on  good  authority,  amounted  to 


POLITICAL  AND   COMMERCIAL          89 

157.  Of  these  145  were  impressed  by  the 
English,  eleven  by  the  French  and  one  by 
the  Portuguese.  Of  the  155  impressed  sea 
men,  107  were  Americans,  and  of  these  51 
were  discharged  on  application,  nine  had 
escaped,  four  entered  the  British  service, 
three  died,  twenty-eight  were  supposed  to 
be  detained,  and  twelve  were  not  accounted 
for. 

From  April  1,  1809,  to  Sept.  30,  1810, 
Mr.  Lyman,  the  American  consul  at  Liver 
pool,  made  application  to  the  British  Ad 
miralty  on  behalf  of  1558  persons.1  Of 
these  forty-seven  were  claimed  to  have  been 
taken  from  American  vessels,  some  of  them 
going  back  to  1803.  The  cases  actually 
occurring  from  April  1,  1809,  to  Sept.  30, 
1810,  were  only  nine.  This  latter  state 
ment,  if  authentic,  proves  what  we  have 
already  said,  that  Great  Britain  was  exer 
cising  the  right  of  impressment  with  less 
vigor  than  in  the  early  years  of  the  war. 

1  Right  and  Practice  of  Impressment,  Anonymous 
Pamphlet,  London. 


90         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

The  number  of  cases  of  impressed  seamen 
as  given  by  Madison  and  Monroe  seems 
very  formidable ;  but  even  without  allowing 
for  duplication  and  mistakes  we  must  re 
member  that  this  included  all  men  who 
claimed  to  be  Americans  impressed  from 
British  and  foreign  ships,  all  professed 
Americans  seized  by  press  gangs  in  Eng 
lish  ports,  and  all  foreigners  serving  on 
American  ships,  as  well  as  native-born 
Americans. 

The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
April  29, 1816,  gives  a  list  of  1420  impressed 
American  seamen  confined  in  Dartmoor 
prison.  Many  of  these  were  Americans, 
who  were  in  the  British  service  prior  to  the 
War  of  1812,  and  refused  to  serve  against 
their  own  country. 

The  injuries  inflicted  on  our  commerce 
by  the  British  orders  in  council  far  out 
weighed  in  national  importance  the  im 
pressment  of  American  seamen ;  but  there 
is  a  vivid  reality  in  personal  suffering  and 
disgrace,  which  appeals  more  closely  to  the 


POLITICAL  AND  COMMERCIAL         91 

human  heart  than  mere  loss  of  property, 
and  the  scarred  backs  of  American  seamen, 
and  their  tales  of  humiliation  and  servitude, 
did  more  to  fire  the  American  heart  and 
kindle  bitter  resentment  against  England 
than  all  her  restraints  on  trade. 

And  so  we  drifted  into  war,  a  needless 
war,  a  hopeless  war,  and  yet  a  war  justified 
by  a  hundred  aggressions.  In  1807  many 
had  recognized  its  proximity,  some  had 
actually  advised  it,  but  all  had  seen  that  we 
were  ill  prepared.  Five  years  had  passed 
since  the  embargo,  — time  enough  to  double 
or  treble  our  navy,  to  put  our  army  on  a 
respectable  footing  and  assume  a  position 
commensurate  with  our  commercial  impor 
tance  and  wealth.  And  what  preparation 
had  been  made  for  a  contest  with  the  first 
power  in  Europe  ?  Absolutely  none. 

The  little  navy  of  1807  had  been  in 
creased  by  one  small  vessel.1  The  regular 

1  The  navy  of  the  United  States  in  1807  consisted  of 
three  heavy  frigates,  the  "Constitution,"  "President" 
and  "United  States";  three  38-gun  frigates,  the  "Con- 


92          CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

army  was  hardly  large  enough  to  police  the 
frontier  against  the  Indians.1  The  militia 
was  undisciplined,  unorganized  and  poorly 
armed.  The  revenue  of  the  country  was 
insufficient  to  meet  its  ordinary  expenses, 
and  worst  of  all,  a  large  section  of  the  coun 
try  was  bitterly  opposed  to  the  war. 

The  spirit  with  which  New  England 
went  into  the  contest  may  be  inferred  from 
an  article  in  the  "Boston  Gazette,"  referring 
to  the  loan  for  $11,000,000  2  called  for  by 
Mr.  Gallatin  to  provide  funds  for  the  war. 
"They  [the  Federalists]  will  loan  them 
money  to  retrace  their  steps,  but  not  to  per- 

stellation,"  "Chesapeake"  and  "Congress"  ;  the  32-gun 
frigate  "Essex"  and  the  "Adams,"  28,  and  seven  smaller 
vessels.  —  McMASTER,  History  of  the  American  People. 
"One  week  after  declaring  war  the  actual  regular 
force  under  arms  did  not  exceed  ten  thousand  men,  of 
whom  four  thousand  were  new  recruits."  — ADAMS,  His 
tory  of  the  United  States,  p.  295. 

2  "The  loan  for  eleven  million  dollars  was  opened  to 
popular  subscription,  but  only  six  million  was  subscribed. 
The  whole  Southern  country  from  the  Potomac  to 
Charleston  subscribed  $700,000." — ADAMS,  History  of 
the  United  States,  p.  207. 


POLITICAL  AND   COMMERCIAL          93 

severe.     Let   every  highwayman   find   his 
own  pistols."  * 

1  Gouverneur  Morris  in  his  Diary  states,  "A  firm  union 
of  the  Northern  States  is  the  only  means,  under  God,  to 
preserve  American  freedom."  He  then  goes  on  to  specify 
the  states  that  will  form  the  new  union,  and  expresses  fear 
lest  Pennsylvania  may  go  with  the  South.  "A  Federal 
ist,"  he  continues,  "whose  vote  should  in  any  way  support 
the  war,  would  be  guilty  of  treason."  —  Diary  and  Let 
ters  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  p.  545. 


CHAPTER  III 

AMERICAN   TONNAGE   AND    AMERICAN 
SEAMEN 

THE  tonnage  of  United  States  vessels  in 
1800  was  comprised  under  three  heads : 
registered,  enrolled  and  licensed.  A  regis 
tered  vessel  must  have  been  built  in  the 
United  States  and  be  owned  by  a  United 
States  citizen,  and  the  registry,  which  en 
titled  the  vessel  to  engage  in  foreign  trade, 
was  given  by  the  collector  of  the  district 
to  which  the  vessel  belonged.  All  coasting 
and  fishing  vessels  under  twenty  tons  were 
licensed  and  those  of  twenty  and  over  en 
rolled  by  the  collector  of  the  district,  and 
such  vessels  were  exempt  from  clearing  and 
entering  at  the  custom  house  every  time 
they  left  or  entered  port.  Those  vessels 
which  from  any  cause  could  not  be  regis 
tered,  but  belonged  to  a  citizen  of  the 


ECONOMIC  — SOCIAL 


95 


United  States,  received  letters  equivalent  to 
a  register  and  were  called  sea  letter  vessels. 
The  growth  of  American  tonnage  was 
very  rapid  from  1800  to  1808,  when  the 
embargo  for  a  time  checked  its  increase, 
and  just  before  the  War  of  1812  it  reached 
its  highest  figure.  The  amount  of  registered 
tonnage  for  the  year  1800  was  in  round 
numbers  670,000  tons,  and  the  licensed  and 
enrolled  245,000  tons.  In  1807  the  regis 
tered  amounted  to  848,000  tons  and  the 
licensed  and  enrolled  to  318,000  tons,  and 
in  1811  the  registered  is  given  as  768,000 
tons  and  the  enrolled  and  licensed  as 
386,000  tons.1 

1  These  statistics  are  taken  from  Pitkin's  American 
Commerce. 

TABLE    I 

TONNAGE   OF   UNITED   STATES   PORTS 


New  York 
Philadelphia 
Boston 

1800 

1807 

1811 

146,441 
103,363 
96,311 

219,381 
105,333 
119,510 

247,893 
95,507 
119,301 

96         CAPTAIN  ZACHARY   G.   LAMSON 

The  statistical  tables  given  in  this  chap 
ter  are  compiled  from  the  returns  of  the 
United  States  Registrar,  given  in  the  four 
teenth  volume  of  American  State  Papers. 

TABLE  I  (continued) 


Baltimore 

86,892 

91,832 

82,988 

Charleston 

48,854 

53,011 

28,615 

Norfolk 

37,929 

33,076 

Portland 

26,379 

41,241 

37,363 

Salem 

25,821 

41,083 

32,269 

Newburyport 

20,615 

34,640 

24,021 

Portsmouth 

16,854 

26,840 

30,005 

Marblehead 

19,964 

21,608 

16,340 

New  Bedford 

16,335 

25,221 

24,363 

Savannah 

9,128 

14,972 

2,812 

TABLE  II 


EXPORTS   OF   SIX   REPRESENTATIVE   STATES    FOR    1810 


Domestic 

Foreign 

Total 

Massachusetts 

$6,042,645 

$5,192,820 

$11,235,465 

New  York 

8,747,700 

3,518,315 

12,266,218 

Pennsylvania 

5,694,447 

3,865,670 

9,560,117 

Maryland 

4,553,582 

2,280,405 

6,883,987 

Virginia 

4,798,612 

23,695 

4,882,307 

South  Carolina 

4,650,984 

210,295 

4,861,279 

ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL 


97 


Table  I  gives  the  tonnage  of  the  principal 
ports  of  the  United  States  for  the  years 
1800,  1807,  and  1811.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  then,  as  always  afterwards,  New  York 

TABLE  III 

TONNAGE   OWNED    BY   NEW   ENGLAND    PORTS 


1800 

1807 

1811 

Boston 

96,311 

119,510 

119,301 

Portland 

26,379 

41,241 

37,363 

Salem 

25,811 

41,083 

32,269 

Portsmouth 

16,854 

26,840 

30,005 

Newburyport 

20,615 

34,630 

24,021 

New  Bedford 

16,355 

25,221 

24,363 

Marblehead 

19,964 

21,068 

16,540 

Plymouth 

10,707 

20,761 

17,850 

Barnstable 

13,767 

18,453 

16,477 

Bath 

8,563 

21,758 

23,303 

Newport 

15,598 

13,935 

15,756 

Wiscasset 

11,033 

16,349 

16,983 

New  London 

12,673 

15,330 

11,737 

Penobscot 

8,029 

18,268 

15,670 

Nantucket 

11,759 

17,539 

16,705 

New  Haven 

11,611 

17,027 

10,229 

Providence 

9,788 

15,461 

14,590 

Biddeford 

9,320 

8,296 

Gloucester 

9,739 

13,051 

98 


CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 


stood  first  with  Boston  and  Philadelphia 
competing  for  second  place.  Baltimore 
was  a  good  fourth  and  these  ports  were  a 
class  by  themselves.  The  paucity  of  South 
ern  commerce  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 

TABLE  IV 

REGISTERED    TONNAGE    EMPLOYED   IN    FOREIGN   TRADE 


1800 

1807 

1810 

Massachusetts 

213,197 

310,319 

352,806 

New  York 

97,791 

149,061 

188,556 

Pennsylvania 

95,631 

93,993 

109,628 

Maryland 

81,508 

79,782 

90,045 

Virginia 

41,838 

33,503 

45,339 

South  Carolina 

43,731 

45,222 

43,350 

TABLE  V 


TONNAGE    EMPLOYED   IN    COASTING   TRADE 


1800 

1807 

1810 

Massachusetts 

75,080 

89,982 

107,260 

New  York 

51,553 

75,567 

83,536 

Pennsylvania 

7,380 

10,353 

14,255 

Maryland 

30,973 

40,400 

46,247 

Virginia 

26,224 

27,510 

31,284 

South  Carolina 

7,114 

7,773 

9,449 

ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  99 

south  of  Baltimore  there  were  but  two  ports 
of  importance,  Norfolk  and  Charleston. 
The  tonnage  owned  by  a  port,  however, 
does  not  always  show  the  business  done, 
and  the  exports  from  some  of  the  other 
Southern  ports  were  quite  large. 

North  of  Baltimore  the  principal  ex 
ports  were  whale  oil,  fish,  live  stock,  lumber, 
pot  and  pearl  ashes,  rum,  furs,  beef,  pork 
and  mixed  agricultural  products,  together 
with  reexports  of  East  and  West  India 
goods.  Baltimore,  Alexandria  and  Norfolk 
were  the  great  exporters  of  tobacco,  grain, 
flour,  beef,  pork,  and  all  sorts  of  agricultu 
ral  products.  While  from  Charleston, 
Savannah  and  the  extreme  Southern  ports 
went  cotton,  rice,  indigo,  cypress  wood, 
deer  skins,  hides,  pork,  hams,  turpentine 
and  naval  stores. 

Table  II  shows  the  exports  of  six  repre 
sentative  states  for  the  year  1810.  Massa 
chusetts  leads  easily  in  foreign  exports,  and 
south  of  Baltimore  exports  were  almost 
entirely  domestic. 


100        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

Table  III  gives  the  tonnage  owned  in 
New  England  ports  for  the  years  1800,  1807 
and  1811.  Omitting  Boston,  Portland  re 
tains  the  lead  for  the  three  years,  but 
pushed  closely  by  Salem  and  Portsmouth. 
Boston,  Portland,  Portsmouth  and  Bath 
show  the  greatest  gain  for  the  period,  and 
Salem,  New  Bedford,  Plymouth,  Wiscas- 
set,  Nantucket  and  Providence  show  a  good 
increase.  Marblehead  and  Gloucester,  the 
typical  fishing  towns  of  New  England,  re 
flect  the  condition  of  that  industry  at  this 
period,  while  New  Bedford's  large  increase 
was  due  to  accessions  to  her  whaling  fleet. 

Table  IV  gives  the  registered  tonnage  of 
six  representative  states  for  the  years  1800, 
1807  and  1810.  Massachusetts  heads  the 
list  with  more  than  double  the  tonnage  of 
her  nearest  competitor,  New  York.  Penn 
sylvania  and  Maryland  run  very  close, 
while  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  have 
about  the  same  registered  tonnage. 

Table  V  gives  the  coasting  trade  of  the 
same  states  for  the  same  years.  Massachu- 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  101 

setts  leads  New  York,  but  not  to  such  an 
extent  as  in  registered  tonnage.  Pennsyl 
vania  has  surprisingly  little  coasting  trade, 
perhaps  as  much  as  Portland,  Me.  Virginia 
and  Maryland  have  less  than  half  the  coast 
ing  trade  of  Massachusetts,  and  South 
Carolina  about  one  quarter  the  coasting 
tonnage  of  Maryland. 

Although  the  Southern  States  supplied  a 
considerable  portion  of  our  domestic  ex 
ports,  the  tonnage  owned  south  of  the  Po 
tomac  was  comparatively  small  and  even 
this  tonnage  was  largely  manned  by  Eng 
lish  and  other  foreigners.1  The  rich  and 
influential  planters  of  the  South  had  no  love 
for  a  maritime  life,  nor  perhaps  did  they 
care  to  encourage  a  business  where  slaves 
could  not  be  utilized  and  which  would  with 
draw  a  large  number  of  white  men  from  a 
country  which  continually  oscillated  be 
tween  desire  for  more  agricultural  laborers 

1  Three  quarters  of  the  seamen  on  southern  owned 
vessels  were  Englishmen.  —  Mr.  Madison's  War,  Pam 
phlet. 


102        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

and  fear  of  an  insurrection.1  The  North 
was  the  commercial  portion  of  the  country, 
and  built,  owned  and  manned  the  vessels  of 

» 

the  young  nation. 

There  were  built  in  the  United  States  in 
1800,  exclusive  of  ships  sold  abroad,  fifty 
thousand  tons  of  shipping.  In  1806  the 
tonnage  built  rose  to  126,393  tons,  falling 
to  99,783  in  1808,  the  year  of  the  embargo, 
and  rising  again  in  1811  to  146,691  tons. 
The  entire  tonnage  built  in  all  parts  of  the 
British  Empire  during  any  year  for  the 
same  period  was  not  over  135,394  tons.2 


1  The   terrible   scenes   in   Hayti   beginning   in    1791 
occasioned  the  liveliest  apprehension  in  the  Southern 
States.    In  1784,  twelve  ships,  one  bark  and  two  brigs 
arrived  in  Charleston,  bringing  three  thousand  slaves. 
By  1798  the  slave  trade  was  prohibited  by  every  state  in 
the  Union  except  New  York.    That  this  sudden  change 
in  the  laws  of  South  Carolina  was  due  to  fear  lest  the  negro 
insurrection  in  Hayti  might  lead  to  negro  revolt  in  our 
Southern  States  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  1803  South 
Carolina  again  legalized  the  slave  trade.  —  History  of 
Charleston,  p.  102. 

2  Pitkin's  Statistics. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  103 

From  1800  to  1812  was  a  period  of  great 
commercial  activity  in  the  United  States, 
and  even  where  every  effort  was  made  to 
comply  with  the  French  decrees  and  British 
orders  in  council,  trade  with  the  belliger 
ents  and  the  countries  under  their  control 
was  dangerous.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  how 
ever,  American  merchants  made  little  at 
tempt  to  respect  decrees  and  orders  in 
council,  but  ran  blockades,  bought  and 
forged  licenses  and  trusted  to  high  freights 
to  compensate  for  the  occasional  loss  of  a 
vessel.  The  number  of  American  vessels 
seized,  prior  and  subsequent  to  the  decrees 
and  orders  in  council,  amounted,  according 
to  Mr.  Monroe,  to  1475. l  Not  all  these 
were  condemned,  to  be  sure,  but  enough 
vessels  were  lost  to  the  American  marine  to 
keep  many  shipyards  busy.  So  long  as 
American  merchants  were  willing  to  risk 
their  cargoes,  American  ship-builders  were 
willing  to  build  them  ships.  These  vessels 
were  built  to  order  for  cash,  or  were  paid 

1  Niles  Register,  vol.  3,  p.  67. 


104       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

for  partly  in  cash  and  partly  in  objects  of 
barter.1 

Ship-building  was  essentially  a  Northern, 
it  might  almost  be  said  a  New  England,  in 
dustry  and  of  the  New  England  states 
Massachusetts  stood  easily  first.  In  1811 
twelve  thousand  tons,  nearly  one  twelfth  of 
the  entire  new  tonnage  of  the  United  States, 
was  built  on  the  Merrimac  River  in  Massa 
chusetts.2 

From  1800  to  1812  ship-building  was 
active  all  along  the  Maine  and  New  Hamp 
shire  coast.  In  Massachusetts  James  and 

1  The  "  Archelaus,"  500  tons,  was  built  at  Exeter,  N.  H., 
by  Col.  Ladd  about  1800.    She  was  three  years  in  pro 
cess  of  construction  and  was  largely  paid  for  in  merchan 
dise  of  different  kinds.    Among  other  things  her  builder 
received  a  cord  of  buttons,  which  were  hard  to  dispose  of, 
until  the  War  of  1812  opened  up  a  lucrative  market  and 
he  sold  them  for  the  soldiers'  coats.  —  BREWSTER,  History 
of  Portsmouth,  p.  229. 

"  Many  of  the  vessels  built  in  Bbston  are  loaded  with 
tobacco  for  Scotch  parties  who  send  them  to  Scotland 
and  pay  for  ship  and  cargo  in  Scotch  goods."  —  Moss. 
Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  287. 

2  Smith,  History  of  Newburyport,  p.  262. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  105 

Retire  Becket  were  building  at  Salem  at 
the  yard  where  for  one  hundred  and  forty- 
five  years  the  family  had  followed  their  pro 
fession.1  Enos  Briggs,  one  of  the  most 
noted  ship-builders  in  New  England,  was 
also  located  in  Salem  at  the  yard  near  the 
site  now  occupied  by  the  Naumkeag  Cotton 
Mills,  where,  up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  he 
had  built  fifty-one  vessels  of  11,500  tons 
burden.2  Ebenezer  Mann  and  Christopher 
Turner  as  well  as  Magoun  and  Barker  were 
also  well-known  master  ship-builders  of 
Salem. 

Thatcher  Magoun  was  building  at  Med- 
ford,  and  Josiah  Barker  at  Charlestown, 
the  Hackets  at  Salisbury,  the  Crosses  and 
Merrills  at  Newburyport,  the  Westons  and 
Halls  at  Plymouth,  Alden  and  Elisha 
Briggs  and  Jonathan  Sampson  at  Pem 
broke,  Samuel  Rogers  at  Scituate  and 
Edward  and  Henry  Rogers  in  Boston. 
Boston,  which  previous  to  the  Revolution- 

1  Hist.  Coll.  Essex  Institute,  vol.  6,  p.  132. 

2  Hist.  Coll  Essex  Institute,  vol.  6,  p.  207. 


106        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

ary  War  is  said  to  have  kept  twenty  ship 
yards  constantly  busy  and  to  have  had 
sixty  vessels  at  one  time  on  the  stocks,  after 
1800  built  fewer  vessels  but  of  a  larger  ton 
nage.1  Pembroke  and  the  other  towns  on 
the  North  River  not  only  employed  four 
hundred  ship  carpenters,2  but  were  tech 
nical  schools  whose  graduates  were  eagerly 
sought  whenever  ship-building  was  carried 
on. 

New  Haven,  Connecticut,  in  her  three 
shipyards  employed  one  hundred  carpen 
ters,3  and  Derby  and  New  London  turned 
out  many  fine  vessels.  New  York,  prior  to 
the  War  of  1812,  had  three  large  shipyards, 
all  on  the  East  River.  Her  most  noted  ship 
designers  were  Henry  Eckford,  who  after 
wards  built  the  war  ships  on  the  lakes,  and 
Christian  Burgh,  the  builder  of  the  frigate 
"President."  4  The  number  of  vessels 


1  N.  E.  Gen.  and  Hist.  Register,  vol.  24,  p.  279. 

2  Ship-building  on  the  North  River,  p.  69. 

3  New  Haven  Hist.  Soc.  Papers,  vol.  3,  p.  168. 

4  Memorial  History  of  New  York,  vol.  iii,  p.  257. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  107 

built  at  Baltimore  up  to  the  time  of  the  em 
bargo  must  have  been  comparatively  few, 
since,  Jan.  1,  1808,  the  number  of  ships  re 
ported  on  the  stocks  was  only  eight.1  Bal 
timore,  however,  just  previous  to  the  War 
of  1812,  was  making  a  specialty  almost  of 
schooners  which,  under  the  name  of  "Balti 
more  Clippers,"  were  known  all  over  the 
world.2  The  four  shipyards  in  Norfolk  and 
two  in  Portsmouth,  Virginia,  report  in 
1806:  "There  is  no  question  about  price, 
only  how  soon  can  you  get  our  vessels 
launched."  3 

In  the  revival  of  ship-building  which 
followed  the  Revolutionary  War,  no  other 
city  made  such  remarkable  progress  as 
Philadelphia.  What  Pembroke  was  to 
Massachusetts,  Philadelphia  was  to  the 
United  States.  Although  in  1793  Philadel 
phia  built  8145  tons  4  of  shipping,  it  was 

1  Newburyport  Herald,  Dec.  14,  1807. 

2  Of  the  40  privateers  that  sailed  from  Salem  in  the 
War  of  1812,  four  were  built  in  Baltimore. 

3  Forrest,  Historical  Sketches  of  Norfolk,  p.  107. 

4  Annals  of  Philadelphia,  p.  2336. 


108        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

not  so  much  the  quantity  as  the  quality  *  of 
the  work  done  which  gave  her  a  world-wide 
reputation.  Her  principal  designer,  Joshua 
Humphreys,  was  not  only  a  thorough  mas 
ter  of  all  the  technical  details  of  his  profes 
sion,  but  he  was  also  a  man  of  genius  and 
originality.  In  1798,  when  war  with  France 
was  threatened,  Congress  authorized  the 
President  to  accept  "not  exceeding  twelve 
vessels  of  war,  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States  and  to  cause  evidence  of  the  debt  to 
be  given  therefor,  allowing  interest  not  ex 
ceeding  six  per  cent." 

The  credit  for  the  designing  of  these  ves 
sels,  as  well  as  of  some  built  before  2  the 
passage  of  the  act,  belongs  to  Joshua  Hum 
phreys.  It  was  his  idea  to  make  our  frigates 


1  The  bark  "True  Love"  built  in  Philadelphia  in 
1748  was  in  service  as  a  whaler  139  years.  Broken  up  in 
1887.    The  ship  "Maria"  built  in  Pembroke,  Mass., 
in  1782  was  in  service  ninety  years.   The  average  age  of 
a  vessel  was  said  to  be  twenty-six  years.  —  Ship-building 
an  the  North  River,  p.  172.   Nautical  Mag.,  1889,  p.  71. 

2  Act  of  1794. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  109 

larger  and  stronger  and  arm  them  more 
heavily  than  British  frigates  of  the  same 
class,  and  our  almost  unbroken  naval  suc 
cesses  of  the  War  of  1812  were  largely  due 
to  this  fact.  His  ideas  and  plans  were  ac 
cepted  by  the  United  States  government 
and  he  personally  superintended  the  build 
ing  of  the  frigate  "United  States,"  receiving 
a  salary  of  two  thousand  dollars  a  year  from 
the  naval  department  for  so  doing. 

Philadelphia  not  only  had  the  greatest 
ship  designer  in  the  United  States,  but  she 
had  also  the  best  ship  carver  l  in  the  world, 

1  From  1200  B.  c.  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  nine 
teenth  century  ornamentation  of  vessels,  especially  those 
of  war,  was  profuse,  intricate  and  florid.  A  description 
of  the  carving  on  the  U.  S.  line-of -battle  ship  "America," 
launched  in  1782  and  presented  to  France,  will  give  some 
idea  of  the  extent  to  which  this  was  carried.  The  figure 
head  was  a  female  figure  crowned  with  laurel  representing 
America.  The  right  arm  was  raised,  pointing  to  heaven. 
On  the  left  arm  was  a  buckler  with  a  blue  ground  carrying 
thirteen  silver  stars.  On  the  stern  of  the  ship  under  the 
cabin  windows  appeared  two  large  figures  in  bas-relief 
representing  "Tyranny"  and  "Oppression,"  bound  and 
biting  the  ground.  On  the  back  part  of  the  starboard 


110        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

William  Rush.  Mr.  Rush  received  his 
education  in  London,  and  returned  in  1787 
to  practise  his  profession  in  Philadelphia. 
His  first  efforts  were  directed  to  modelling 
in  clay,  but  finding  little  encouragement  for 
a  native  artist  in  Philadelphia  he  applied 
himself  to  the  carving  of  ships'  figureheads. 
In  this  field  he  was  without  a  rival,  and  to 
a  wonderful  technical  skill  he  added  an 
artistic  sense  of  beauty  and  genius  for  com 
position  which,  had  his  work  been  done 
in  more  enduring  material,  would  have 
stamped  him  as  one  of  the  best  as  he  was  the 
earliest  of  American  sculptors.  He  was  the 
first  carver  to  give  an  idea  of  life  and  motion 
to  a  ship's  figurehead.  Each  of  his  figure 
heads  was  either  the  lifelike  representation 
of  an  individual  or  some  symbolic  concep 
tion  expressed  in  exquisite  carving.  His 
most  noted  productions  were  "Nature"  for 
the  "Constellation,"  the  "Genius  of  the 

quarter  a  large  figure  of  Mars.  On  the  highest  part  of 
the  stern  appeared  "Wisdom"  and  above  her  head  an 
owl. — BREWSTER,  History  of  Portsmouth,  p.  36. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  1 1 1 

United  States"  for  the  frigate  of  that  name 
and  the  "River  God"  for  the  East  India 
ship  "Ganges."  These  figureheads  were 
nine  feet  high  and  could  be  removed  for 
repair  or  in  action. 

*  Sea-going  vessels  were  also  built  on  the 
Ohio  and  Monongahela  rivers  and  sent 
down  the  Mississippi  for  sale  at  New  Or 
leans.  Their  frames  were  made  of  black 
walnut  and  said  to  be  very  durable.1 

The  superiority  of  American  vessels  in 
the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century 
was  largely  due  to  our  master  builders. 
They  were  of  a  different  class  in  society 
and  better  educated  than  their  English 
competitors,  and  this  fact  was  recognized 
in  England.  "The  present  builders  in  the 
different  dock  yards  of  this  country,"  says 
an  editorial  in  the  English  "Navy  Chron- 

1  Some  twenty  vessels  were  built  from  1800  to  1807 
at  Marietta  and  Pittsburg  and  sold  for  ocean  service. 
The  largest  vessel  launched  was  the  "Western  Trader" 
of  four  hundred  tons.  The  business  had  assumed  consid 
erable  importance  by  1807,  but  was  ruined  by  the  em 
bargo.  —  Naval  Chronicles,  1806,  p.  299. 


112       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

icle"  for  1807,  "have  usually  risen  from 
being  carpenters  of  ships  of  war,  and  before 
that  time  been  in  low  employment  in  the 
dock  yards.  They  understand  the  practice 
of  the  art,  but  not  the  theory."  The  master 
builders  of  the  United  States  studied  their 
profession  both  practically  and  theoreti 
cally,  and  in  addition  many  of  them  came 
of  families  to  whom  skill  in  ship-building 
was  as  much  an  hereditament  as  the  fam 
ily  farm.1 

The  American  builders  were  progressive, 
the  English  conservative.  The  English 
were  afraid  of  our  lofty  spars  and  light 
construction,  and  when  in  the  War  of  1812 
they  captured  one  of  our  clippers  they 
usually  lessened  the  height  of  the  masts  and 
strengthened  the  hull  only  to  find  her  no 

1  The  Beckets  began  to  build  in  1655,  the  Barstows 
in  1740,  the  Rogers  family  in  1722.  A  little  later  the  Cross 
and  Merrill  families  were  building  at  Newburyport,  the 
Rackets  at  Salisbury  and  the  Briggs  family  all  over  New 
England.  Son  succeeded  father  in  the  business  and  he  in 
turn  handed  it  over  to  his  son.  The  younger  sons  in  many 
cases  went  to  other  towns  to  start  yards  of  their  own. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  1 13 

longer  a  clipper.1  American  vessels  car 
ried  more  sail,  were  easier  handled,  sailed 
faster,2  needed  less  ballast  and  carried 
proportionally  more  cargo  than  their  Eng 
lish  competitors. 

The  shipyard  was  usually  located  on 
some  tidal  river,  the  gently  sloping  banks 
of  which  allowed  ease  of  access  and  facility 
for  launching.  The  ship  carpenters  and 
laborers  worked  from  sunrise  to  sunset, 
earning  a  dollar  a  day,3  with  a  glass  of 

1  Coggeshall,  History  of  American  Privateers. 

2  The  brig   "Rapid"  of  Portland  in  1809  made  the 
voyage  from  London  to  Boston  in  fifteen  days.  —  Portland 
in  the  Past,  p.  412. 

The  ship  "Valiant,"  built  at  Wiscasset,  sailed  from 
Boston  to  France  in  thirteen  days.  —  Hist.  Coll.  Essex 
Institute,  vol.  1,  p.  60. 

Mr.  Derby's  ship  "Astrea"  made  the  run  from  Salem 
to  the  Irish  coast  in  eleven  days.  —  OSGOOD,  History  of 
Salem. 

3  One  dollar  a  day  was  an  average,  perhaps,  but  the 
pay  varied  according  to  the  time,  demand  and  character 
of  work  performed.  In  1780  ship  carpenters  in  the  United 
States  were  paid  ninety  cents  a   day.  —  WRIGHT,  In 
dustrial  Evolution. 


114       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

grog  at  eleven  and  four  thrown  in.  Rum 
was  furnished  at  all  the  shipyards  and  the 
cost  entered  into  the  expense  account  of 
the  vessel.1 

The  number  of  ship  carpenters  employed 
in  the  yards  of  the  United  States  in  the 
early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  is 
nowhere  given,  but  it  is  possible  by  com 
parison  to  make  a  fair  estimate.  In  1811 
there  were  built  in  the  United  States 
146,691  tons  of  shipping.2  The  number  of 
ship-wrights  employed  in  Great  Britain 
in  1807  is  given  as  8928,  exclusive  of 
calkers.3  The  entire  tonnage  built  in  Great 

The  ship  carpenters  who  built  the  frigate  "Essex" 
received  a  dollar  and  fifty  cents,  and  the  common  labor 
ers  a  dollar,  a  day.  [N.  E.  Hist.  &  Gen.  Register,  1868.] 

In  1805  ship  carpenters  working  on  English  naval 
vessels  received  7s.  3d.  a  day.  [Naval  Chronicles,  1805, 
p.  497.] 

1  The  "  Lady  Gallatin,"  built  in  1813,  was  charged  with 
$120,  the  cost  of  eighty  gallons  of  rum  and  gin  furnished 
from   March  22  to  Aug.  25.  --  Ship-building  on  the 
North  River,  p.  178. 

2  Pitkin,  p.  430. 

3  Naval  Chronicles,  1805,  p.  497. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  115 

Britain  for  the  year  1807  did  not  exceed 
135,394  tons.1  If  we  allow  that  the  work 
men  of  the  two  countries  were  equally 
efficient,  then  the  ship-building  interest  of 
the  United  States  must  have  employed  at 
least  ten  thousand  ship  carpenters  in  1811. 
If  to  the  number  of  carpenters  we  add 
the  blacksmiths,  coopers,  sail  makers, 
block  makers,  painters,  rope  makers,  and 
common  laborers,  which  ship-building  ne 
cessitated,  the  importance  of  the  industry 
may  be  imagined. 

The  number  of  seamen  employed  in  the 
United  States  in  any  one  year  from  1800 
to  1812  is  evidently  a  matter  of  guess,  since 
estimates  vary  greatly.  Mr.  Gray  of  Salem 
and  Messrs.  Loring  and  Parsons  of  Boston, 
in  a  hearing  before  a  committee  of  the  Mas 
sachusetts  House  of  Representatives,2  all 
testified  that,  taking  large  and  small  vessels 
together,  one  seaman  to  every  six  tons  of 
shipping  was  a  fair  average.  If  this  was 

1  Pitkin,  p.  430. 

2  Hearing  before  a  committee  in  1813. 


116       CAPTAIN   ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

true,  —  and  no  one  can  question  the  ve 
racity  or  competency  of  the  witnesses,  - 
the  number  of  seamen  in  the  United  States 
from  1800  to  1812  was  much  greater  than 
that  given  by  any  authority  the  writer  has 
seen.  The  writer  infers,  though  it  is  not  so 
stated,  that  this  estimate  includes  not  only 
able  seamen  but  every  officer  and  man 
needed  to  man  the  ship.  The  smaller  the 
vessel  the  more  hands  needed  proportion 
ally. 

Vessels  employed  in  the  cod  and  whale 
fisheries  carried  one  man  to  every  six  tons, 
exclusive  of  officers.  Coasting  vessels  car 
ried  fewer  hands  proportionally  than  those 
engaged  in  registered  trade.  The  writer 
has  collected  statistics  of  forty-four  large 
vessels  in  registered  trade  where  the  ton 
nage  and  number  of  seamen  employed 
were  both  given.  The  combined  tonnage 
of  the  vessels  amounted  to  14,877  tons, 
manned  by  912  seamen,  exclusive  of  cap 
tains.  The  vessels  averaged  about  three 
hundred  tons  each.  The  number  of  sea- 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  1 17 

men  to  each  ton  is  roughly  one  to  sixteen. 
If  we  allow  that  each  ship  carried  a  cap 
tain  and  no  others  except  seamen,1  the 
total  number  of  hands  needed  to  man  the 
ship  would  be  about  the  proportion  of  one 
to  fifteen.  Taking  large  and  small  vessels 
together,  the  general  average  would  be  one 
man  to  each  ten  or  eleven  tons. 

In  1811  the  tonnage  of  the  United  States, 
as  given  by  Pitkin,  was  1,232,000  tons, 
which,  on  the  basis  of  one  man  to  every  ten 
tons,  would  give  123,000 2  men  as  needed 

1  The  ship  "  Juno, "  on  her  voyage  to  the  northwest 
coast  of  America,  carried  a  captain,  two  mates,  a  clerk, 
two  armorers,  a  cook,  carpenter,  tailor  and  musician, 
thirty-six  men  in  all.  The  '*  Juno "  was  250  tons  burden 
and  carried  one  man  to  every  seven  tons.  —  MONROE, 
History  of  Bristol,  p.  275. 

The  famous  ship  "Massachusetts"  on  her  voyage  to 
the  East  Indies  carried  a  captain,  four  mates,  a  purser, 
surgeon,  three  midshipmen,  three  boatswains,  a  gunner, 
two  stewards,  a  cooper,  four  quartermasters,  two  cooks, 
one  servant  and  forty-two  seamen.  —  POTTER,  History 
of  Quincy,  p.  493. 

2  This  estimate  is  probably  too  large.    Seventy-five 
to  one  hundred  thousand  seamen  was  the  estimate  given 


118        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

to  navigate  the  merchant  fleet  of  the  United 
States  for  that  year.  Twenty  per  cent  of  the 
seamen  on  American  vessels,  however,  were 
foreigners,1  which  would  leave  100,000  as 
the  number  of  American  officers  and  men 
employed  in  that  year  in  the  United  States 
marine. 

To  show  how  authorities  differ  in  their 
estimates  of  the  number  of  sailors  employed 
in  any  one  year  we  quote  the  following. 
"Niles  Register,"  vol.  1,  p.  379,  gives  the 
number  of  seamen  in  the  United  States 
in  1804  as  64,000,  and  in  1809,  when  the 
tonnage  was  much  larger,  as  55,000. 
The  same  authority  gives  the  shipping  of 
Great  Britain,  Ireland  excepted,  in  1810  as 
2,549,680  tons  manned  by  164,000  seamen, 
or  one  man  to  every  fifteen  tons.  The 

in  the  Salem  and  Boston  papers  for  1807-8,  the  year  of  the 
embargo.  One  difficulty  is  that  in  most  cases  it  is  impos 
sible  to  tell  whether  the  number  quoted  means  able  sea 
men  only,  or  includes  officers,  supercargo,  cook  and  cabin 
boy. 

1  Evidence  of  Mr.  William  Gray  before  a  committee 
of  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  in  1813. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  119 

^Tradesman's  Magazine,"  vol.  i,  p.  21, 
gives  the  number  of  sailors  employed  in 
the  British  West  India  trade  in  1807  as 
14,000,  and  the  tonnage  as  180,000,  or  one 
man  to  thirteen  tons.  Mr.  Nourse,  the 
United  States  Registrar,  in  1800  reports 
that  the  proportion  of  men  to  tonnage  in 
the  codfishing  fleet  of  that  year  was  one  to 
five.  Two  years  later  he  reports  it  as  one  to 
seven. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  American  sailor 
followed  the  sea,  left  the  sea,  or  changed 
his  service,  according  as  inclination  or 
necessity  might  demand,  and  estimates  as 
to  the  number  of  United  States  sailors 
employed  in  any  one  year  are  merely  rough 
guesses. 

The  wages  paid  American  seamen  were, 
as  a  rule,  higher  than  those  paid  by  any 
other  nation.  From  1714  to  1775  an  Ameri 
can  seaman's  pay  averaged  about  <££  10s. 
per  month.1  After  the  Revolutionary  War, 
wages  were  higher,  but  varied  according  to 
1  Weeden,  vol.  ii,  p.  517. 


120       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

the  length  and  character  of  the  voyage. 
The  American  system  by  which  sailors 
were  allowed  to  carry  adventures  on  their 
own  account,  not  only  increased  the  effi 
ciency  of  the  crew  to  a  marked  degree,  but 
also  added  to  their  wages.  From  cabin  boy 
to  master  each  seaman  might  carry  his  own 
private  venture,  unlimited  as  to  value,  but 
restricted  as  to  space.1  Sometimes  a  certain 
weight  was  allowed,  sometimes  the  sailor 
was  restricted  to  his  own  chest;  but,  what 
ever  the  privilege  granted,  it  made  the  sea 
man  a  partner  in  the  voyage  and  interested 
in  its  success. 

From  1800  to  1812,  while  the  United 
States  was  the  neutral  carrier  for  the  world, 
wages  of  American  seamen  were  very  high. 
In  1806  Admiral  Willaumez  writes  to  the 
French  minister  at  Washington,  "I  have 

1  On  the  ship  "Franklin,"  which  sailed  from  Boston  to 
Batavia  in  1798,  the  first  and  second  mates  were  allowed 
two  and  a  half  tons  privilege  and  the  third  mate  one  ton 
and  the  sailors  what  they  could  carry  in  their  chests. 
—  Hist.  Coll.  Essex  Institute,  1860,  p.  207. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  121 

just  apprehended  four  seamen  whom  I 
found  on  an  American  brig,  where  they 
had  engaged  at  seventeen  dollars  a  month." 
The  seamen  on  the  United  States  frigate 
"Essex"  were  paid  seventeen  dollars  a 
month,  besides  prize  money.1  Mr.  Lloyd 
of  Massachusetts,  in  a  speech  before  the 
Senate,  Feb.  28,  1812,  gives  the  pay  of 
American  seamen  as  seventy-five  cents  a 
day,  or  $22.50  a  month. 

Fishermen  at  this  period  are  said  to  have 
averaged  seventeen  dollars  a  month,2  car 
penters  a  dollar  a  day  and  common  laborers 
eighty-two  cents  a  day.3 

The  food  furnished  the  sailors  on  an 
American  ship  in  1800  was  good,  measured 
by  the  standard  of  the  times.  Beef,  pork 
and  fish,  salted  of  course,  beans,  peas,  corn 

1  Extract  from  a  letter  to  Capt.  Preble  of  the  "Essex," 
from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Nov.  15,  1799:  "Able 
seamen  you  will  allow  seventeen  dollars,  ordinary  seamen 
and  boys  five  to  fourteen  dollars  a  month." 

2  History  of  Cohasset,  p.  397. 

3  Wright,  Industrial  Evolution  of  the  United  States, 
p.  216. 


122       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

meal,  molasses  and  biscuit  were  supplied 
in  liberal  quantities. 

The  same  cooperative  principle  which 
worked  so  well  in  the  case  of  the  sailor 
applied  more  strongly  to  the  captain,  since 
on  his  business  management,  as  well  as  his 
ability  as  a  seaman,  depended  the  success 
of  the  voyage.  The  monthly  pay  might  be, 
and  often  was,  merely  nominal,  but  his 
primage,1  commission  on  sales  and  pur 
chases,  and  adventure,  often  netted  what 
would  be  even  in  these  days  a  handsome 
sum. 

In  1737  some  of  the  captains  trading 
with  the  West  Indies  received  as  pay 
twenty  shillings  a  month  and  one  third  the 
profits  of  the  voyage.2  In  1784  Nathaniel 
Tracy  of  Newburyport  writes  to  Captain 
Tucker,  in  command  of  one  of  his  vessels, 
"I  will  allow  you  <£3  6s.  a  month,  five  per 
cent  on  your  sales  and  two  and  a  half  per 

1  Primage  was  sum  paid  to  captain  in  addition  to 
freight  for  general  oversight  of  the  cargo. 

2  Bourne,  History  of  Wells  and  Kennebunk,  p.  567. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  123 

cent  on  what  you  purchase." l  In  1813  Cap 
tain  Coggeshall  of  the  schooner  "David 
Porter"  received  five  per  cent  primage,  and 
a  commission  of  two  and  a  half  per  cent  on 
sales.2  When  we  consider  that  a  ship  of 
two  hundred  tons  might  easily  carry  a  cargo 
worth  sixty  to  eighty  thousand  dollars,  the 
value  of  primage  and  commissions  can  be 
readily  appreciated. 

Although  the  pay  received  by  an  Ameri 
can  captain  in  the  early  part  of  the  last  cen 
tury  was  large,  as  measured  by  the  cost  of 
living  and  the  remuneration  accorded  to 
other  professions,  yet  the  time  during 
which  he  might  reasonably  expect  to  receive 
this  pay  was  short.  Cholera  in  the  East  and 
yellow  fever  in  the  West  Indies,  malarial 
fever  on  the  African  coast  and  typhus  fever 
in  the  unsanitary  ports  of  Europe,  in  addi 
tion  to  the  ordinary  perils  of  the  sea,  car 
ried  off  hundreds  of  mariners  while  yet  in 
the  prime  of  life.  Out  of  634  members  who 

1  Currier,  History  of  Newburyport,  p.  452. 

2  Coggeshall,  History  of  American  Privateers. 


124        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

have  been  connected  with  Essex  Lodge  of 
Free  Masons  in  Salem,  293  were  mari 
ners.  Fifty  of  these  were  lost  at  sea  and 
forty-two  died  in  foreign  ports  at  the  aver 
age  age  of  thirty-eight.1  More  than  one 
sixth  were  lost  at  sea  and  nearly  one  third 
died  away  from  home. 

Of  the  120,000  seamen  who  manned  the 
vessels  of  the  United  States,  probably  one 
twelfth  were  employed  in  the  codfishing 
industry.  Codfishing  was  carried  on  chiefly 
from  New  England,  and  demanded  and 
produced  sailors  of  unusual  ability.  No 
one  else  could  sail  a  fore-and-after  like  the 
men  of  Gloucester  and  Marblehead,  no 
one  could  carry  sail  longer  or  be  more  re 
sourceful  in  danger.  It  was  the  sturdy 
arms  of  the  Marblehead  fishermen  which 

1  Out  of  634  members  of  Essex  Lodge  of  Free  Masons, 
293  were  mariners,  246  master  mariners.  Fifty  of  these 
were  lost  at  sea  and  forty-two  died  in  foreign  ports. 
Seventy-four  other  members  were  of  trades  intimately 
connected  with  the  sea,  such  as  ship-builders,  sail  and 
cordage  makers  and  block  makers.  —  Hist.  Coll.  Essex 
Institute,  vol.  4,  p.  225. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  125 

forced  the  boats  through  the  ice  when 
Washington  crossed  the  Delaware  and  sur 
prised  Trenton,1  and  it  was  from  the  rank 
of  the  fishermen  that  most  of  the  privateers 
in  the  War  of  1812  were  manned.  When 
the  "Constitution"  bore  down  on  the 
"Guerriere,"  eighty  Marblehead  fishermen 
stood  on  her  decks.  The  real  fisherman 
rarely  cared  to  ship  on  the  merchant  service; 
he  missed  the  danger  and  excitement  of  his 
favorite  pursuit.  What  were  steady  wages 
and  a  good  balance  at  the  end  of  the  season, 
compared  with  the  chance  of  being  "high 
line"  of  the  fleet  or  a  race  home  from 
the  banks  with  some  long-time  rival!  No 
wonder  the  Marblehead  fishermen  stood 
bravely  to  their  guns  on  the  deck  of  the 
"Constitution."  The  annual  loss  of  life  on 
the  fishing  fleet  of  Gloucester  and  Marble- 
head  was  greater  than  sufficed  to  take  the 
three  British  frigates,  "Macedonian," 
"  Java  "  and  "  Guerriere."  There  was  little 
money  made  in  the  fishing  business.  Vast 
1  Roads,  History  of  Marblehead,  p.  242. 


126       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

fortunes  were  accumulated  from  whaling 
and  commerce,1  but  the  useful,  modest  and 
dangerous  pursuit  of  codfishing  brought 
little  more  than  a  competence. 

The  number  of  seamen  annually  em 
ployed  in  the  codfishing  industry  was 
roughly  reckoned  at  one  man  for  every  five 
or  six  tons,  and  as  long  as  the  vessels  used 

1  In  the  attempt  to  secure  greater  profits  from  cod- 
fishing,  combinations  of  this  pursuit  with  whaling  and 
commerce  were  attempted.  In  1802  Dennis,  Yarmouth, 
Harwich  and  Provincetown  each  had  a  few  vessels  which 
went  to  Greenland  for  whales  and  on  the  return  trip 
stopped  at  the  banks  and  filled  up  with  cod.  —  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll,  vol.  viii,  p.  141. 

In  1807  an  experiment  was  tried  in  New  Haven  which 
at  first  bid  fair  to  be  successful.  A  company  was  formed 
under  the  name  of  the  "Derby  Fish  Co."  to  carry  on  a 
combined  fishing  and  trading  business.  The  vessels  em 
ployed,  which  were  unusually  large  and  fine,  took  out  a 
fishing  license  and  were  also  registered  so  that  they  could 
go  to  the  banks,  get  a  fare  and  then  sail  directly  to  Europe 
or  the  West  Indies,  thus  saving  the  return  trip  and  shifting 
of  cargo.  The  company  did  a  large  business  and  made 
money,  but  war  came  and  in  1815  it  was  obliged  to  dis 
solve.  —  New  Haven  Hist.  Society  Papers,  vol.  3,  p. 
175. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  127 

did  not  exceed  fifty  tons  burden,  this  was 
substantially  correct.  Prior  to  1812,  the 
largest  tonnage  employed  in  any  one  year 
was  75,000  tons  in  1807,  which  would 
make  the  number  of  fishermen  for  that 
year  about  thirteen  thousand. 

The  seamen  employed  in  the  whaling 
industry  of  the  United  States  were  also  men 
of  unusual  intelligence.  Besides  being  sail 
ors,  they  were  coopers,  carpenters,  rope 
makers  and  blacksmiths.  The  long  voyages 
to  parts  of  the  world  where  conveniences 
for  repairs  were  limited  necessitated  skilled 
mechanics. 

The  whaling  fleet  of  Nantucket  in  1775 
is  said  to  have  amounted  to  150  vessels,  of 
14,867  tons  burden,  manned  by  2200  sea 
men.1  This  estimate  allows  one  sailor  to 
every  seven  tons.  In  1811  Nantucket  is 
said  to  have  employed  ten  thousand  tons 
of  shipping  in  the  whaling  industry.2  If 
the  proportion  between  seamen  and  ton- 

1  Report  of  Commissioners  of  Fish  and  Fisheries,  p.  22. 

2  Macy,  History  of  Nantucket,  pp.  167,  229. 


128       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

nage  in  the  two  years  remained  the  same, 
Nantucket  in  1811  must  have  employed 
about  fourteen  hundred  men  in  her  whaling 
fleet.  New  Bedford  at  this  time  is  supposed 
to  have  had  as  large  a  whale  fishing  fleet 
as  Nantucket,  and  Dennis,  Yarmouth, 
Wellfleet,  Harwich  and  Provincetown  each 
sent  out  a  few  whalers,  while  Boston  owned 
quite  a  number.  Norwich,  New  Haven 
and  New  London,  Connecticut,  did  some 
whaling,  and  a  few  vessels  from  Rhode 
Island  and  New  York  were  similarly  en 
gaged.  If  all  the  vessels  built  for  and 
usually  employed  as  whalers  were  in  ser 
vice  in  1811,  more  than  three  thousand  men 
would  have  been  engaged  in  this  pursuit. 
According  to  Tower,  however,  in  his  lately 
published  "History  of  the  American  Whale 
Fishery,"  the  whole  whaling  tonnage  of  the 
country  in  1811  only  amounted  to  5299 
tons,  which  on  the  ratio  we  have  used  would 
indicate  some  750  men  as  the  number  em 
ployed  in  that  industry.  The  seamen  on  a 
whaling  vessel  were  paid  by  the  lay  and 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  129 

averaged  rather  better  wages  than  in  cod- 
fishing  or  the  merchant  service.1 

After  1796  the  seal  fishery  was  carried  on 
quite  extensively,  chiefly  from  New  Haven. 
It  was  closely  allied  to  the  East  India  and 
China  trade,  and  like  that  was  a  trade  for 
rich  men.  It  appealed  to  the  young  and 
venturesome,  and  in  many  cases  young 
captains,  without  chart,  chronometer  or 
sextant,2  sailed  to  the  Falkland  Islands, 

1  The  "lay"  varied  from  ^  for  the  captain  to  T^  for 
the  boys.    In  some  cases  the  owner  furnished  the  ship 
and  supplies  and  took  three  fifths  of  the  proceeds.    The 
following  is  the  settlement  of   the  "Sea  Lion,"  which 
arived  in  port  June,  1807,  after  a  two  years'  cruise.    The 
captain  received  $2070,  the  first  mate  $1381  and  the  men 
averaged   four   to    six    hundred    dollars  each.  —  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  Ill,  series  ii,  p.  29. 

2  The  Naval  Chronicles  for  1810,  p.  325,  give  an  inter 
esting  account  of  the  condemnation  of  an  American  vessel 
in  the  Danish  courts,  at  that  time  under  the  influence  of 
Napoleon,  because,  as  the  judges  reasoned,  the  lack  of 
a  chart  or  sextant  aboard  showed  that  the  vessel  must 
have  come  from  England  and  not  America.   The  protest 
of  the   American   captains  then  present   in  port  shows 
that  this  failure  to  carry  chart  or  sextant  was  no  unusual 
thing.    The  protest  was  as  follows:  — 


130       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

rounded  the  "Horn,"  touched  at  St.  Felix 
and  the  Galapagos,  and  then  proceeded  to 
Canton,  where  they  sold  their  cargoes  at 
great  profit. 

The  sealing  fleet  consisted  of  some 
twenty  ships  averaging  two  hundred  and 
fifty  tons  burden,  manned,  it  is  said,  by  the 
best  young  men  of  New  Haven.1  These 
ships  carried  crews  of  forty  men  each  be 
sides  the  captain,  mates,  supercargo,  sur 
geon,  blacksmith,  carpenter  and  cooper. 
Including  vessels  owned  outside  of  New 
Haven,  it  is  probable  that  the  sealing  fleet, 


"We,  the  undersigned,  masters  of  American  vessels  now 
in  the  port  of  Christiansand,  having  heard  with  astonish 
ment  that  one  of  the  principal  charges  against  the  Ameri 
can  brig  'Hannah,'  from  Boston  bound  direct  to  Riga, 
and  condemned  at  the  prize  court  of  this  place,  is  as  fol 
lows,  That  the  said  court  have  pronounced  it  absolutely 
impossible  to  cross  the  Atlantic  without  a  chart  or  sextant. 
We  therefore  feel  fully  authorized  to  assert  that  we  have 
frequently  made  voyages  from  America  without  the  above 
articles,  and  we  are  fully  persuaded  that  every  seaman 
with  common  nautical  knowledge  can  do  the  same." 

1  New  Haven  Hist.  Society  Papers,  vol.  4,  p.  146. 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  131 

at  the  height  of  its  prosperity,  employed 
five  or  six  hundred1  hands. 

The  character  of  the  seamen  employed 
in  the  American  merchant  marine  was 
exceptional.  In  no  other  part  of  the  world 
were  they  drawn  from  the  same  class  in 
society.  In  the  New  England  coast  towns 
the  well-to-do  family  of  that  day  —  and  few 
were  poor  —  strove  hard  and  pinched  to 
send  at  least  one  boy  to  college,  another 
they  placed  in  the  counting  room  of  some 
merchant,  and  the  rest  they  sent  to  sea. 
These  boys  might  be  compared  to  the  mid 
shipmen  in  the  English  navy,  in  distinction 
from  the  English  sailors.  They  had  all  the 
dogged  courage,  the  pride  of  race  and  sea 
instinct  of  their  English  progenitors,  but 
they  had  in  addition  a  quickness  of  intellect 

1  The  "Neptune,"  350  tons,  owned  in  New  Haven, 
sailed  from  New  York  in  1796  to  the  South  Pacific.  She 
killed  and  took  the  pelts  of  80,000  seals,  selling  them  in 
Canton  for  $280,000.  She  brought  back  a  full  cargo  from 
Canton,  reaching  New  Haven  at  the  end  of  three  years, 
having  made  probably  the  most  profitable  cruise  to  that 
date.  —  New  Haven  Hist.  Society  Papers,  vol.  4,  p.  2. 


132       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

and  an  adaptability  which  the  English 
lacked.  They  were  really  in  1800  the  picked 
men  of  a  picked  race,  and  their  ranks  were 
continually  reinforced  by  a  stream  of  green 
awkward  youths  who  poured  in  from  the 
country,  boys  too  ambitious  to  endure  the 
dull  life  of  the  farm  or  boys  impatient  of 
restraint  who  had  run  away  from  home,  - 
in  other  words,  the  most  active  and  enter 
prising  of  the  district. 

In  what,  strictly  speaking,  constitutes  a 
skilled  sailor,  in  knowledge  of  the  mech 
anism  of  a  vessel  and  the  ability  to  get  the 
best  results  from  that  knowledge,  there  was 
little  to  choose  between  the  English  and 
American;  but  the  motto  of  the  one  was 
conservatism,  of  the  other  progress.  Partly 
from  his  nature,  still  more  from  social 
barriers,  the  English  sailor  was  satisfied  to 
remain  a  sailor  or  perhaps  a  petty  officer, 
while  the  American  regarded  the  forecastle 
as  the  mere  stepping-stone  to  the  master's 
berth.1  This  possibility,  almost  certainty, 

1  In  or  about  1800  Captain  Lamson  sailed  in  the  brig 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  133 

of  promotion  produced  that  same  enthu 
siasm  in  the  American  sailor  which  had 
distinguished  the  French  recruits  in  the 
early  days  of  the  French  Revolution. 

The  influence  of  the  American  sailor  was 
profoundly  felt  in  the  religious,  political 
and  social  life  of  that  day,  not  only  in  the 
coast  towns,  but  far  back  in  the  country. 
The  narrow  and  somewhat  gloomy  religion 
he  had  learned  from  his  fathers  was  broad 
ened  and  lightened  by  intercourse  with 
those  of  different  religious  belief,  and  he 
brought  back  to  his  home  a  greater  toler 
ance  and  a  broader  catholicity.1  In  politics, 
where  party  lines  were  drawn  so  sharply  on 
questions  of  trade,  its  protection  or  restric 
tion,  his  opinion  could  not  be  without  great 

"Mars."  The  crew  numbered  thirteen.  He  says  in  his 
Diary,  "All  have  risen  to  be  masters  and  made  first-rate 
captains." 

1  The  sailor  as  a  rule  was  religious  but  not  sectarian. 
It  was  the  custom  in  Kennebunk  in  1800  for  the  master 
and  crew  to  attend  church  in  a  body,  the  Sunday  following 
their  return  from  the  West  Indies  or  any  long  voyage. 
—  BOURNE,  History  of  Wells  and  Kennebunk,  p.  580. 


134       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

influence  on  his  relatives  and  friends.  He 
knew,  and  probably  had  suffered  from, 
both  France  and  England;  but  while  not 
loving  the  latter,  he  despised  the  former. 
He  believed  that  England,  on  the  whole, 
was  really  sustaining  the  cause  of  constitu 
tional  liberty  against  despotism,  and  that, 
being  unprepared  to  fight,  our  best  policy 
was  to  temporize.  In  the  reaction  in  Mas 
sachusetts  against  Jeffersonian  democracy, 
the  sailor  was  an  important  factor. 

Into  the  home  life  of  that  day  the  sailor 
brought  the  breeziness  and  freshness  of  the 
sea.  Books  were  few  and  newspapers  for 
mal,  and  the  advent  of  the  sailor,  with  his 
stories  of  adventure  and  accounts  of  strange 
countries,  did  much  to  dispel  the  monotony 
of  home  life. 

Massachusetts  had  reason  to  be  proud  of 
her  sailors.  With  manufacturing  still  in  its 
infancy  and  agriculture  barely  self-support 
ing,  Massachusetts  owned  almost  the  whole 
of  the  whale  fishery,  six  sevenths  of  the  cod- 
fishery  and  more  than  one  third  of  the 


ECONOMIC  —  SOCIAL  135 

whole  tonnage  of  the  United  States.1  Truly 
our  ancestors  were  right  when  they  claimed 
the  sea  as  their  heritage. 

The  romance  of  the  sailor's  life  has 
passed,  never  to  return.  The  use  of  steam 
as  a  motive  power,  the  control  given  by  the 
telegraph  and  the  employment  of  iron  as  a 
building  material,  while  highly  utilitarian, 
have  made  the  sailor  part  of  a  mere  ma 
chine  and  stripped  him  of  all  initiative. 
That  most  beautiful  product  of  the  archi 
tect's  skill,  a  full-rigged  ship,  has  been  re 
placed  by  the  ugly  tramp  steamer.  The 
many-masted,  barge-like  coaster  has  taken 
the  place  of  the  beautifully  proportioned 
schooner,  except  as  it  survives  in  the  fishing 
fleet,  and  few  native-born  Americans  man 
our  vessels. 

But  with  the  decay  of  our  marine  has 
come  no  loss  of  material  prosperity.  Our 
country  stands  as  of  old  in  the  front  rank, 
and  though  our  triumphs  have  shifted  from 
the  sea  to  the  land,  the  men  to  whom  they 

1  Pitkin. 


136       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

are  due,  the  men  whose  efforts  made  Massa 
chusetts  possible  and  New  England  what 
she  is,  were  her  fishermen  and  sailors. 


CHAPTER  IV 

ZACHARIAH  GAGE  LAMSON  was 
born  in  Beverly,  Massachusetts,  May 
13,  1783,  and  died  in  Granada,  Central 
America,  Dec.  16,  1846.  The  first  Lam- 
son  to  land  in  this  country  was  William 
Lamson  of  England,  who  was  one  of  the 
early  settlers  in  Ipswich,  taking  up  his  resi 
dence  there  in  1637.  William  Lamson  had 
a  son,  John  Lamson,  whose  son  William 
Lamson  was  the  father  of  Jonathan  Lam 
son.  Jonathan  Lamson  lived  in  Hamilton, 
formerly  a  part  of  Ipswich,  and  was  the 
father  of  Nathaniel  Lamson.  Nathaniel 
Lamson,  who  was  a  merchant  in  Beverly, 
married  Jean  Gage,  a  daughter  of  Zachary 
Gage,  a  descendant  of  John  Gage  who  set 
tled  in  Beverly  in  1633.  Nathaniel  Lam 
son  and  Jean  Gage  Lamson  had  eleven 
children,  one  of  whom  was  Zachariah  or 
Zachary  Gage  Lamson,  the  writer  of  the 


138       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

"Diary"  we  publish.  Zachary  Lamson 
married  Mary  Brown  of  Hamilton,  Oct.  6, 
1807,  and  had  six  children,  the  last  of 
whom  died  in  1899. 

Captain  Lamson  is  described  as  a  hand 
some  portly  man  with  curly  hair  and  laugh 
ing  blue  eyes.  He  was  a  thorough  sailor,  a 
competent  navigator  and  had  the  reputation 
of  keeping  good  order  and  discipline  aboard 
his  vessels.  He  had  the  merit,  not  unusual 
in  those  days,  of  being  a  good  supercargo 
as  well  as  a  good  captain.  He  was  never 
afraid  of  assuming  responsibility,  and  hav 
ing  once  decided  carried  out  his  plans  with 
great  persistency  and  skill.  He  was  gener 
ous  almost  to  prodigality,  and  made  and 
lost  large  sums  of  money  with  equal  facility. 
He  was  cool,  prompt  and  resourceful  in 
danger  and  of  the  most  undaunted  cour 
age.  He  was  of  an  ambitious,  optimistic 
temperament,  a  good  father  and  a  kind 
friend.  But  with  all  the  qualities  apparently 
necessary  to  secure  success,  Captain  Lam 
son  was  followed  by  the  most  persistent  ill 


BIOGRAPHICAL  139 

fortune.  From  the  testimony  of  those  who 
knew  him  and  the  record  in  his  "Diary," 
these  misfortunes  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
the  result  of  personal  mismanagement  or 
neglect,  but  rather  of  what  is  called  bad 
luck. 

Of  his  boyish  life  we  know  nothing  be 
yond  the  few  lines  in  his  "Diary"  which 
tell  of  his  education,  but  we  do  know  that 
in  his  burning  love  of  the  sea  he  was  but 
typical  of  thousands  of  other  New  England 
boys  of  that  day,  and  it  is  not  difficult  even 
now  to  reconstruct  the  path  which  led  from 
cabin  boy  to  merchant  and  to  show  why, 
to  use  his  own  quaint  language,  "The  sea 
faring  life  was  their  constant  wish  to  fol 
low." 

How  could  it  be  otherwise  ?  The  call  of 
the  sea  to  every  New  England  boy's  heart 
along  that  rocky  coast  was  at  once  alluring 
and  imperative.  The  boy  could  remember 
how,  when  a  little  child,  his  mother  held 
the  big  conch  shell  from  the  mantelpiece 
to  his  ear  that  he  might  hear  the  roar  of  the 


140       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

ocean.  A  few  years  later  he  was  wading  on 
the  flats  sailing  mimic  boats,  or  if  the  day 
was  stormy,  rigging  them  in  the  barn.  Be 
fore  he  knew  the  "rule  of  three"  he  could 
tie  a  reef  knot  or  explain  the  intricacies  of 
a  bowline  on  a  bight.  The  name  of  every 
vessel  owned  in  the  town  was  familiar  to 
him,  and  which  was  the  fastest  sailer.  On 
rainy  days  or  in  sickness  when  other  amuse 
ments  failed  his  mother  would  bring  down 
the  "treasure  chest"  from  the  attic,  and 
there  the  boy  would  sit  and  revel  in  the 
spoils  his  sea-going  ancestors  had  collected ; 
seashells  of  every  shape  and  color  brought 
from  foreign  shores,  a  string  of  pearls, 
none  perfect,  from  South  America,  the 
carved  shell  of  a  cocoanut,  a  shark's  tooth, 
curiously  carved  ivory  boxes  from  India 
and  a  phial  of  gold  dust  from  Africa.  He 
had  seen  them  a  hundred  times  before,  but 
they  were  ever  new,  and  each  brought  a 
message  from  the  sea. 

As  he  grew  older,  winter  evenings  at  the 
store,  he  would  join  the  group  about  the 


BIOGRAPHICAL  141 

fire  and  listen  to  stories  of  the  sea,  some  of 
them  apocryphal  no  doubt,  of  sharks,  mer 
maids,  storms,  wrecks,  and,  most  exciting 
of  all,  of  pirates.  One  of  the  narrators, 
perhaps,  had  been  taken  by  the  Algerines 
and  bore  on  his  feet  the  scars  of  the  basti 
nado.  Another  had  been  captured  by  pi 
rates  on  the  Spanish  Main,  and  marooned 
on  some  barren  key  until  rescued  by  a 
passing  vessel.  Or  better  still,  for  the  war 
was  recent,  he  might  listen  to  the  tale  of 
some  old  sea  dog  who  had  helped  hoist 
the  rattlesnake1  flag  on  the  "Alfred"  or 
crossed  pikes  with  the  British  over  the  rail 
of  the  "Bon  Homme  Richard." 

The  social  life  of  the  town  too  had  its 
influence.  The  minister  was  revered,  the 
family  physician  loved  and  respected,  the 
lawyer  admired  for  his  learning ;  but  the  au 
tocrat  of  the  place,  the  one  to  whom  all 

1  This  flag  was  raised  by  John  Paul  Jones  some  time 
in  December  of  1775.  Beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  a  flag 
of  the  rattlesnake  pattern,  its  design  is  not  certainly 
known.  —  HARRISON,  Stars  and  Stripes,  p.  144. 


142       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

deferred,  was  the  great  ship-owner  and 
merchant.  He  had  dared  the  perils  of  com 
merce  and  won,  he  was  the  model  on  which 
the  young  men  hoped  to  shape  themselves. 
As  the  boy  went  to  school  he  could  see  the 
great  square  house  of  the  merchant  prince, 
three  stories  high,  painted  white,  set  flush 
to  the  street,  beautiful  in  its  simplicity, 
with  its  formal  garden  bordered  with  box 
and  crowded  with  roses,  pinks,  peonies  and 
phlox  and  in  some  retired  corner  a  little 
patch  of  sweet  herbs.  Back  of  the  house 
stood  the  barn  and  to  one  side  and  back  of 
that  stood  the  orchard,  and  few  of  the  boys 
of  the  village  but  had  tasted  of  its  fruit 
legitimately  or  otherwise.  Once  or  twice, 
too,  the  boy  had  been  in  the  great  house  and 
had  wondered  at  the  massive  sideboard 
covered  with  china  and  silver,  at  the  great 
punch  bowl  on  the  dresser,  the  quaint  Dutch 
tiles  about  the  fireplace,  at  lacquered 
cabinet  and  carved  chest  of  drawers.  But 
what  pleased  him  most  of  all  were  the 
exquisitely  carved  chessmen,  too  fragile 


BIOGRAPHICAL  143 

for  real  use,  wild  Mohammedan  troopers 
riding  on  ivory  horses  and  stately  Hindu 
rajahs  perched  on  elephants'  backs.  There 
was  no  envy  in  the  boy's  heart  as  he  saw 
these  things,  but  rather  the  proud  con 
sciousness  that  all  this  was  the  fruit  of  per 
sonal  endeavor  and  that  he  too  might  some 
day  win  a  prize  as  great.  To  this  end  he 
studied  at  school.  He  might  hate  mathe 
matics,  but  without  learning  navigation  how 
could  he  sail  his  ship  ?  and  so  he  learned 
his  lessons.  When  fourteen  years  of  age  he 
begged  to  be  allowed  to  go  to  sea,  when 
fifteen  he  argued  that  he  should  be  allowed 
to,  and  when  sixteen  he  was  not  longer  to 
be  restrained,  and  his  parents  yielded.  And 
the  boy  was  really  older  than  his  years.  He 
had  learned  that  lesson  which  comes  nat 
urally  to  the  brute  creation,  but  late  or 
never  to  the  youth  of  to-day,  self-reliance. 
He  shipped,  not  through  the  cabin  win 
dows,  but  in  the  forecastle,  and  though  his 
own  brother  might  be  captain  he  fared  no 
better  than  the  merest  stranger.  The  crew 


144        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

were  probably  all  from  his  own  town  or  its 
immediate  vicinity,  men  of  good  Puritan 
stock  and  good  home  training.  Some  may 
have  been  wild  and  reckless,  a  few  de 
praved,  but  the  great  majority  were  clean, 
honest  men  of  intense  virility  and  laudable 
ambition.  Even  on  his  first  voyage  the  boy 
was  allowed  to  take  a  venture,  it  might  be  a 
quintal  of  fish  or  a  bag  of  potatoes,  but 
however  small,  it  made  him  a  partner  in  the 
voyage  and  taught  him  to  buy  and  sell. 
The  boy  rose  by  being  always  competent 
to  take  a  higher  position,  and  by  the  time  he 
was  twenty-one1  he  had  attained  his  first 
ambition  and  was  captain  of  the  vessel. 
What  that  meant  in  those  days  it  is  hard 
for  us  to  understand.  He  left  his  home  port 
perhaps  with  a  cargo  valued  at  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  and  his  instructions  from 
the  owner  for  the  voyage  might  not  have 

1  On  one  of  the  East  India  voyages  from  Salem,  the 
Captain,  Nathaniel  Silsbee,  the  first  mate,  Charles  Derby, 
and  the  third  mate,  Richard  Cleaveland,  were  all  under 
twenty  years  of  age.  —  OSGOOD,  History  of  Salem. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  145 

covered  half  a  sheet  of  note  paper.1  When 
the  captain  had  crossed  the  bar  and  was 
on  the  open  sea,  he  was  his  own  master, 
and,  except  that  he  must  try  to  reach  the 
port  he  sailed  for,  free  to  sail  wherever  and 
buy  and  sell  whatever  he  wished.  It  was  not 
enough  that  he  could  navigate  his  craft 
skilfully ;  he  must  be  a  close  buyer  and  a 
shrewd  seller,  and  that  he  was  both  all  the 
world  allows.  If  it  seemed  best  to  him  he 

i  INSTRUCTIONS 

The  Ship  Wells  under  your  command  being  ready  for 
Sea  you  will  embrace  the  first  opportunity  and  proceed 
for  St  Sebastians  in  Spain  upon  your  arrival  apply  to  Mess 
B.  &  Sons  and  request  them  to  sell  the  Cargo  now  on 
board  the  Wells  for  my  act  for  the  most  it  will  fetch  and 
if  any  merchandise  can  be  obtained  there  that  will  answer 
in  this  Country  then  have  the  proceeds  of  the  present 
Cargo  invested  in  such  Articles  which  ship  in  board  the 
Wells  for  my  acct  with  which  proceed  directly  for  this 
Port  in  case  you  cannot  find  any  merchandise  at  St 
Sebastians  that  will  answer  to  bring  to  the  U  States  then 
have  the  Proceeds  remitted  when  you  can  do  it  most  to 
my  Interest,  and  proceed  to  the  Cap  de  Verds  for  a  Cargo 
of  Salt  and  from  thence  to  this  Port, 

Yrs  WM.  GRAY. 


146        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

might  sell  both  cargo  and  vessel 1  and  send 
his  crew  home  by  another  ship.  Yet  with 
all  this  love  for  a  bargain  he  was  generous 
in  his  nature  and  prodigal  in  his  personal 
expenditure,  and  in  many  a  case  when  hur 
rying  to  some  port  where  to  arrive  first  was 
to  take  the  cream  of  the  profit,  he  would 
lay  by  some  stranger  in  distress  and  sacri 
fice  personal  gain  to  assist  his  brother  sailor. 
That  he  was  personally  brave  goes  without 
saying,  for  he  had  not  only  to  keep  his  crew 

1  In  1802  the  ship  "  Juno,"  250  tons,  DeWolfe  master, 
made  a  voyage  to  the  northwest  coast  after  furs.  Soon 
after  her  arrival  she  fell  in  with  a  Russian  vessel  having 
on  board  a  Russian  nobleman  who  had  been  appointed 
Ambassador  from  that  country  to  Japan.  The  newly 
appointed  Ambassador  expressed  his  intention  to  build 
a  vessel  on  the  coast  to  take  him  to  his  destination.  Cap 
tain  DeWolfe  promptly  offered  to  sell  his  ship,  and  they 
traded  for  $68,000.  Part  of  the  crew  were  sent  on  to 
Canton  in  a  vessel  of  forty  tons  which  Captain  DeWolfe 
bought  from  the  Russians,  and  part  remained  on  the 
coast  until  other  means  of  returning  were  found.  Cap 
tain  DeWolfe  reached  home  in  two  years  and  six  months 
from  the  time  of  sailing,  having  made  $100,000  net  profit 
on  the  voyage.  —  MONROE,  History  of  Bristol,  p.  275. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  147 

in  check  and  face  the  ordinary  perils  of  the 
sea,  but  from  1800  to  1825  not  a  vessel  left 
port  but  ran  the  danger  of  piratical  attack. 
Not  a  vessel  sailed  the  Spanish  Main, 
passed  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  or  ventured 
near  the  Malay  Archipelago  but  must  stand 
ready  to  fight  to  save  its  crew  and  cargo. 
The  captain  of  that  day  was  inclined  to  be 
boastful  and  obtrusively  patriotic,  and  his 
patriotism  was  too  often  local  and  sub 
servient  to  his  business  interests.  This  was 
true,  however,  of  other  professions  and  in 
every  section  of  the  country.  The  United 
States  had  not  at  this  time  been  welded  into 
a  nation,  but  was  rather  a  loosely  connected 
league  of  states  and  districts  with  different 
interests  and  often  antagonistic  feelings. 

Such  a  man  as  I  have  described  the  boy 
had  grown  to  be,  and  threading  his  way 
from  port  to  port,  following  his  market 
from  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  the  Ori 
noco,  he  gradually  acquired  wealth  and 
became  the  owner  of  a  small  fleet  of  vessels. 
He  had  now  attained  his  second  great 


148       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

ambition,  and  giving  up  the  sea  he  built  for 
himself  a  big  white  house  in  his  native  vil 
lage,  much  like  the  one  he  had  admired 
in  his  boyhood,  and  became  a  ship-owner 
and  merchant.  He  was  now  one  of  the 
great  men  of  the  town,  and  expected  and 
received  a  certain  deference,  for,  while 
democratic  in  his  manners,  at  heart  the 
merchant  was  somewhat  of  an  aristocrat. 
Every  morning  at  precisely  half-past  eight 
he  might  be  seen  leaving  his  house  for  the 
counting  room,  his  three-cornered  hat  set 
upon  a  head  held  high,  not  so  much  from 
pride  as  necessity,  for  the  voluminous  stock 
and  extremely  high  collar  of  his  long-tailed 
blue  coat  allowed  no  other  position.  His 
hair  neatly  plaited  in  a  cue,  his  nankeen 
waistcoat  embellished  with  shell  buttons 
and  absurdly  long,  his  tight-fitting  knee 
breeches  and  silk  stockings,  showing  to 
advantage  his  shapely  limbs,  his  neatly 
blacked  shoes  with  bright  steel  buckles, 
together  with  the  silver-topped  malacca 
cane  which  he  carried  in  his  hand,  all  com- 


BIOGRAPHICAL  149 

bined  to  present  a  picture  of  elegant  and 
dignified  prosperity.  The  merchant  gave 
liberally  to  church  and  charity,  encouraged 
learning,  was  a  power  in  politics,  enter 
tained  royally  and  was  in  the  best  sense  of 
the  word  a  polished  gentleman. 

But  it  is  not  given  to  all  to  succeed,  and 
if  after  a  manly  fight,  the  boy  now  grown 
old  returned  to  his  native  village  unfortu 
nate  and  little  better  off  in  worldly  wealth 
than  when  he  left  it  as  cabin  boy,  if  he 
found  that  the  clerk  or  farm  hand  whose 
humdrum  life  he  had  despised  had  passed 
him  in  the  race,  still  his  life  at  sea  had 
taught  him  to  accept  the  mutabilities  of 
fortune;  and  as  memory  went  back  over 
the  kaleidoscopic  changes  of  his  career,  he 
could  say  with  some  satisfaction  at  least,  I 
have  lived. 

It  was  not  given  to  Captain  Lamson  to 
succeed,  but  he  certainly  had  lived. 
Wrecked  when  a  mere  boy  on  Cape  Cod, 
wrecked  in  mature  life  on  the  "Blue  Cai- 
cos,"  alternately  a  prisoner  on  French  and 


150       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

English  war  ships,  twice  captured  by  pi 
rates  and  three  times  beating  them  off, 
following  his  fortune  in  South  America 
with  alternate  success  and  failure,  Captain 
Lamson  played  the  game  of  commerce  for 
all  it  was  worth ;  but  the  cards  were  staked 
against  him  and  when  he  died  in  Granada, 
C.  A.,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three,  he  was  poor 
in  all  but  experience. 

The  fragmentary  account  of  his  life 
which  we  publish  was  written  at  an  un 
known  date  and  had  for  its  title,  "The 
Diary  of  Zachary  Gage  Lamson  written  by 
himself."  The  "Diary,"  including  a  slight 
reference  to  childhood,  covers  his  life  from 
the  time  he  shipped  as  cabin  boy  aboard 
the  bark  "Essex"  in  1797  to  and  including 
part  of  his  voyage  in  the  brig  "Isabella"  in 
1814.  Though  the  "Diary"  was  written 
long  after  most  of  the  events  recorded, 
Captain  Lamson  was  very  accurate  in  his 
dates,  and  the  files  of  the  Boston  and 
Salem  papers  confirm  his  facts.  Although 
his  style  was  at  times  labored  and  his  sen- 


BIOGRAPHICAL  151 

tences  involved,  we  give  the  "Diary"  ex 
actly  as  it  was  written  except  that  a  few 
illegible  words  have  been  supplied  as  the 
context  might  indicate.  The  "Diary" 
ends  abruptly,  indicating  that  a  portion 
has  been  lost  or  destroyed. 


CHAPTER   V 

HAVING  a  considerable  portion  of  time 
while  at  sea  which,  for  want  of  em 
ployment,  I  have  made  use  of  for  the  pur 
pose  of  giving  my  family  the  outline  of  the 
various  incidents  relative  to  my  passage  so 
far  in  the  world's  voyage. 

In  my  early  years,  say  from  five  to  four 
teen,  I  was  pretty  generally  kept  at  school 
in  town,  where  we  were  provided  with  ex 
cellent  masters  who  taught  us  the  common 
branches,  say  arithmetic,  writing,  reading 
and  spelling.  I  studied  the  Latin  Grammar 
and  Trigonometry  and  the  Elements  of 
Navigation  when  fourteen  years  of  age  with 
the  Rev.  Joseph  McKeen,1  who  was  after- 

1  Rev.  Joseph  McKeen,  born  in  Londonderry,  N.  H., 
Oct.  15, 1787.  Graduated  from  Dartmouth  College,  1774. 
Taught  school  for  several  years.  Ordained  over  lower 
parish  in  Beverly  May,  1785.  President  of  Bowdoin 
College  Sept.  2,  1803.  Died  July  15,  1807. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          153 

wards  President  of  Bowdoin  College.  I  did 
invariably  as  well  in  my  studies  as  boys  in 
general  at  that  age.  My  father,  not  having 
a  wish  to  send  me  to  sea,  and  hoping  I 
would  select  some  other  mode  of  business 
on  shore,  his  best  efforts  were  to  take  me  to 
Boston  to  Samuel  Parkman,  then  a  large 
importing  merchant,  where  I  had  the  offer 
of  staying  with  him ;  but  my  mind  being  of 
the  speculative  and  uneasy  make  I  could 
not  content  myself.  Accordingly,  I  advised 
my  father  that  the  seafaring  life  was  my 
constant  wish  to  follow.  He,  like  a  prudent 
man,  would  not  rashly  forbid  it,  consent 
ing  that  I  should  go.  Accordingly,  Novem 
ber,  1797, 1  embarked  onboard  the  Essex,1 
Benjamin  Henderson,  Master,  belonging 

Many  of  the  coast  towns  had  schools  especially  devoted 
to  instruction  in  navigation.  One  in  Manchester,  Mass., 
kept  by  Stilson  Hilton,  is  said  to  have  numbered  forty 
masters  of  vessels  among  its  graduates.  —  LAMSON,  His 
tory  of  Manchester,  p.  107. 

There  was  also  a  similar  school  in  Salem,  Mass. 

1  Brigantine  "  Essex,"  197  tons,  built  in  1789,  altered 
to  a  bark  in  1794,  William  Orne,  owner. 


154       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

to  William  Orne  Esq.,  bound  for  the  port  of 
Havana  in  Cuba. 

I  was  in  the  capacity  of  cabin  boy  on 
board,  and  it  being  a  very  cold  day  and  a 
high  northwest  wind  on  our  sailing,  and  as  I 
was  unacquainted  with  sickness,  I  suffered 
much,  lying  in  the  middle  steerage  for  nine 
days.  In  the  meantime  my  great  toe  was 
frozen,  so  that  after  my  sea  sickness  sub 
sided,  I  could  only  bear  silk  socks  which 
the  mate,  Mr.  Con,  provided  for  me. 

To  give  an  idea,  which  I  believe  is  pre 
valent  among  young  beginners  on  going  to 
sea,  while  I  was  sick  my  constant  inquiry 
was,  "Do  you  think  the  Captain  will  put 
back  ?"  which  if  he  had,  I  do  think  I  never 
should  have  gone  again.  I  did  pray  that  he 
might  return.  However,  we  continued  our 
voyage  and  arrived  safe  in  about  thirty 
days.  I  recollect  we  sold  our  cargo  very 
well  and  a  small  adventure  I  had  of  fish 
and  butter  which  cost  me  eighteen  dollars. 
I  obtained  something  like  forty  dollars  of 
which  I  expended  one-half  in  fruit  while  I 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          155 

was  there.  We  lay  in  Havana  and  took 
aboard  our  cargo  of  molasses  and  sugar. 
Just  before  lading,  the  Governor  of  Cuba 
ordered  an  embargo  on  all  vessels  in  port 
until  a  fleet  of  Spanish  ships  should  sail  for 
Mexico,  consequently,  we  lay  till  the  first 
of  May,  when  we  sailed  with  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  sails,  of  American  mostly, 
for  our  respective  ports. 

We  shaped  our  course  for  the  Florida 
channel  and  on  the  second  night,  while  we 
were  going  at  the  rate  of  seven  knots  an 
hour,  we  discovered  white  water.  The  cap 
tain  and  officers  were  uncertain  which  side 
of  the  channel  we  were  on,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  the  bark  struck  and  continued  a 
little  longer  when  she  struck  and  broke  off 
her  rudder,  unshipped  it  and  keeled  over  so 
that  our  lee-gunnels  were  in  the  water.  Our 
captain  was  in  great  distress,  as  well  as  the 
second  mate,  at  the  horrid  appearance  of 
the  night.  The  wind  was  strong  and  the 
breakers  high,  and  our  false  keel  had  come 
up  alongside,  our  plank  to  the  starboard,  on 


156       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

our  stern,  had  torn  off,  our  cabin  was  open 
to  the  sea,  but  a  foot  or  two  clear.  Finally 
our  captain  ordered  our  long  boat  out.  We 
had  thrown  overboard  everything  from  the 
deck  we  could  conveniently  in  getting  the 
boat  clear.  Our  chief  mate,  the  only  man 
who  kept  his  presence  of  mind,  observed 
to  the  captain,  "Sir,  are  you  going  to  leave 
the  vessel?"  The  answer  was,  "Yes."  I 
was  ordered  below  to  get  bread,  brandy, 
etc.,  for  the  boat.  The  mate,  Mr.  Con, 
called  on  the  people  saying,  ;<Who  will 
stay  by  the  ship?"  Several  replied  they 
would.  He  immediately  ordered  all  sail 
made  while  the  captain  was  looking  on 
with  anxiety  for  the  result.  In  about  twenty 
minutes  the  ship  was  over  the  reef,  when 
he  cast  the  anchor  from  the  bow  and 
brought  up  in  three  and  a  half  fathoms  of 
water,  quite  smooth.  We  lay  until  daylight, 
when  we  hauled  our  rudder  on  deck,  re 
paired  it  and  took  hides  and  lined  our  stern 
with  them  as  substitute  for  plank,  and  at 
four  P.  M.  we  weighed  anchor  and  sailed  off 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          157 

the  bank.  I  was  then  quite  young.  I  only 
recollect  we  were  to  the  South'd  of  the  bank 
and  our  draft  of  ship  was  fourteen  feet,  and 
on  the  shoal  only  ten  feet,  so  that  the  heavy 
press  of  sail  was  what  saved  us  by  cutting 
the  coral  and  getting  over.  We  were  fortu 
nate  in  weather,  as  we  had  only  eighteen 
days  after  to  sail. 

As  I  had  now  got  home  and  felt  the  fears 
subside  of  seasickness  and  of  that  night  of 
disaster,  I  began  to  talk  large  of  the  seas 
and  its  casualties.  One  thing  my  father 
had  been  informed  of  in  my  adventure  — 
what  it  sold  for,  and  finding  I  had  one 
tierce  of  molasses  only,  did  not  like  my 
frugality.  He  took  me  into  a  room  with 
him  and  expatiated  on  prudence  and  eco 
nomy  and  actually  made  me  ashamed  of  the 
extravagance  I  had  been  to. 

Remaining  at  home  about  five  weeks,  I 
entered  on  board  the  schooner  John,1 

1  Schooner  "  John  "  of  Beverly,  seventy  tons  burden, 
built  in  Newbury  in  1785,  owned  by  Samuel  Ingersoll, 
John  Stephens,  Thomas  Stevens  and  Moses  Brown. 


158        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

Samuel  Ingersoll,  master,  in  the  capacity 
of  cook,  bound  to  Martinique.  We  had 
about  thirty  days  passage,  sold  our  cargo 
well,  got  a  return  cargo  and  sailed  for  home 
where  we  arrived  in  September.  The  only 
remark  of  note  that  voyage  bears  was  the 
eccentricity  of  the  captain  and  my  awk 
wardness  in  cooking.  Captain  Ingersoll 
was  a  very  humane  man  and  very  moderate. 
He  put  me  before  the  mast  on  my  passage 
home  and  put  a  young  man,  who  shipped 
as  a  hand,  in  as  cook.  I  can  remark  with 
propriety  that  my  ambition  always  ob 
tained  for  me  any  favors  from  those  sailed 
with,  so  that  I  never  felt  any  diffidence 
asking  them. 

On  remaining  at  home  about  two  months, 
I  entered  upon  the  Brig  Mars,1  Salem, 
Joseph  Orne,  master,  belonging  to  William 
Orne,  Esq.,  in  capacity  of  light  hand.  We 
had  a  large  crew,  say  thirteen  in  number, 

1  Brigantine  "Mars,"  152  tons  burden,  built  in  1784, 
William  Orne  owner.  Wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Nova 
Scotia  in  1802. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         159 

and  five  guns  with  small  arms.  We  sailed 
for  the  Mediterranean  bound  for  Barcelona. 
We  passed  Giberalter  in  twenty-five  days. 
Off  Cape  Gata,  we  fell  in  with  a  Salem 
ship,  the  Minerva,1  Captain  West,  which 
was  also  armed  and  bound  for  Barcelona. 
We  agreed  to  keep  in  company,  and  on  the 
next  day  at  daylight  we  discovered  a  large 
Zebec  with  the  Algerine  colors  flying.  They 
bore  up  for  us.  We  took  in  our  light  sails 
and  got  ready  for  him.  He  kept  for  us. 
Coming  within  gun  shot  he  fired  two  or 
three  guns  and  we  returned  our  stern 
chaser,  but  I  presume  no  damage  was  done. 
We  arrived  safe  at  Barcelona,  sold  our 
cargo  and  loaded  with  wine,  fruit,  etc.,  we 
proceeded  for  Giberalter  and  had  a  very 
tedious  passage  down,  being  twenty-six 
days  to  the  rock,  having  carried  away  al 
most  all  our  spars.  We  refitted  and  sailed 
as  soon  as  we  could  and  had  a  tedious  pas 
sage  home.  We  became  short  of  water, 

1  Ship    "Minerva,"   owned   by  Crowningshield   and 
West.  The  first  Salem  vessel  to  circumnavigate  the  globe. 


160       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

beef  and  bread,  and  in  consequence  of  the 
captain  and  officers  disagreeing,  the  crew 
became  mutinous  and  our  vessel  was  a 
constant  scene  of  debauchery.  The  captain 
lost  all  respect  and  we  were  in  danger  of 
our  lives  part  of  the  time.  Fighting  and 
quarreling  was  the  wrord  of  the  day.  One 
thing  is  very  singular  as  regards  the  crew, 
-  they  were  all  first  rate  as  seamen  and  all 
have  risen  to  be  masters,  and  have  made 
first  rate  captains  in  respect  to  order  and 
discipline  on  board  their  ships.  When  we 
arrived  in  Salem  the  authority  of  the  crew 
was  so  great  with  the  captain,  he  would 
not  see  the  crew  when  they  were  paid  off. 
I  was  selected  by  the  owner  as  one  to  re 
main  by  the  vessel  till  the  others  were  clear, 
and  in  two  or  three  days  after,  I  was  called 
into  the  counting  room  and  the  clerks  were 
ordered  out,  when  Mr.  Orne  and  son  re 
quested  me  to  give  a  correct  statement  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  voyage,  as  regarded 
the  conduct  of  the  crew  and  of  the  captain. 
My  situation  was  delicate,  consequently,  I 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          161 

refused  making  any  observation  against 
either.  They  then  said  they  wished  me  to 
go  in  the  Brig  again.  I  replied  that  I  should 
stop  at  home  awhile.  Then  they  tried  to 
obtain  my  reason  for  not  going,  but  I 
evaded  the  principal  reason.  However,  in 
justice  to  the  captain  as  related  to  his  treat 
ment  of  me,  I  must  say  that  he  never 
abused  me  in  that  manner  that  I  noted. 
An  unfortunate  habit  of  swearing  was  what 
he  suffered  mostly  by.  His  passions  were 
too  powerful  for  his  reason  and  patience.  I 
perfectly  recollect  one  day,  after  he  had 
called  me  all  the  most  profane  expressions 
he  could  make  use  of,  in  less  than  two  hours 
he  came  down  and  commenced  a  very  lively 
conversation;  and,  in  the  midst  of  it,  he 
observed  to  me  that  if  he  cursed  me  to  take 
no  notice  of  it,  so  that  with  all  the  uneasi 
ness  on  board  I  never  felt  the  least  animos 
ity  to  the  man,  and  my  objection  to  going 
again  was  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
have  a  great  ship,  and  it  was  quite  uncer 
tain  to  find  so  good  an  officer  as  Jonathan 


162       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

Cook  was,  who  likewise  left  him.  A  few  days 
after  I  left  the  Brig,  Captain  Orne  called 
on  me  to  go  with  him  again,  promising  to 
put  me  forward  if  I  would  go.  I  certainly 
wanted  a  friend,  but  my  father,  to  whom 
I  related  the  transactions  of  the  voyage,  set 
his  face  against  it  and  I  declined. 

After  a  while  I  embarked  on  board  the 
Schooner  Rachel1  of  Beverly,  Thomas 
Woodbury  master,  as  ordinary  seaman  and 
bound  for  the  Island  of  Tobago.  We  sailed 
from  Beverly  about  September  and  had  a 
deck  load  of  sheep  on  board,  say  about 
seventy.  Off  Cape  Cod  we  had  a  hard  gale. 
The  second  night  out,  we  drowned  about 
fifty  of  the  sheep.2  A  more  dismal  night  I 
had  never  seen  than  that,  as  the  sheep  in  the 

1  Schooner  "  Rachel,"  71  tons,  built  in  1789. 

2  Horses,  mules,  horned  cattle  and  sheep  were  ex 
ported  in  large  numbers  to  the  West  Indies,  usually  as  a 
deck  cargo.   In  1785  New  London  sent  over  eight  thou 
sand  horses  to  the  West  Indies  and  Norwich,  on  her 
"horse  Jockeys,"  as  they  were  called,  in  1789  exported 
1800  head  of  live  stock.  —  CAULKINS,  History  of  Nor 
wich,  p.  478. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          163 

height  of  the  gale  were  continually  crying, 
and  our  expectation  was  the  shore.  For 
tunately  at  eight  A.  M.  the  wind  wore  sud 
denly  off  to  the  west  and  we  saw  Cape  Cod 
about  five  miles  from  us. 

I  continued  with  Captain  Woodbury, 
making  four  voyages  with  him,  two  to  To 
bago,  two  to  Cape  Lucia,  and  had  then  sea 
man's  full  wages l  and  being  about  seven 
teen  years  old.  I  remained  a  little  time  at 
home,  and  then  entered  with  Captain  Ze- 
bulon  Ober  on  board  the  Victor  and  made 
a  short  trip  of  six  weeks  to  Newburn,  N.  C. 
Our  crew  was  John  Tittle,  Simeon  Bick- 
ford,2  and  myself,  and  as  we  were  all  young 
and  healthy  looking,  and  kept  ourselves 
well  dressed,  in  Newburn  we  became  no 
ticed  by  all  the  inhabitants,  who  did  not 
hesitate  to  invite  us  to  their  houses,  and 
when  we  could  contrast  the  difference  in  the 

1  At  this  time  about  fifteen  dollars  a  month. 

2  Simeon  Bickford,  according  to  Salem  custom  house 
records,  was  about  the  same  age  as  Captain  Lamson, 
and  went  to  sea  the  same  year,  1797. 


164        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

appearance  of  the  young  men  in  Newburn 
with  our  own  companions,  we  ceased  to 
wonder  that  wre  were  noticed  as  we  were. 
On  our  return  from  Carolina  I  embarked 
with  Captain  Gideon  Rea1  in  a  schooner 
belonging  to  Messrs.  Stephens  of  Beverly 
and  E.  Francis  of  Boston  for  Jacmel  and 
Aux  Cayes.  We  arrived  out  safe  after  a 
passage  of  twenty-eight  days  and  vessel 
leaking  badly.  We  sold  part  at  Jacmel  and 
proceeded  for  Aux  Cayes,  where  we  sold  the 
remainder  and  found  it  very  sickly,  the 
fever  raging  badly.2  We  had  finished  load- 

1  Gideon  Ray  was  the  son  of  Joseph  Ray  of  North 
Beverly.    Joseph  Ray  was  captain  of  a  company,  raised 
in  Beverly  and  Lynn,  which  fought  with  Washington  in 
New  Jersey. 

2  The  mortality  among  the  crews  of  vessels  trading 
with  the  West  Indies  was  very  great.  Vessels  would  leave 
the  West  India  ports  with  a  full  crew  and  later  be  found 
drifting  helpless  with  only  a  man  or  two  aboard.    The 
Boston  Chronicle  of  June   12,   1802,  reports  that  the 
schooner  "  Hope,"  from  Jamaica  to  Boston,  was  spoken 
May  10,  "  all  the  crew  dead  with  yellow  fever,  except  the 
captain   and   boy."    The   ship   "Lucia"   arrived  from 
Havana,  July  16,  1769,  having  lost  eleven  of  her  crew 
from  yellow  fever. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          165 

ing  our  cargo  and  had  got  clear  for  sea, 
when  the  captain  came  on  board  and  told 
me  that  the  vessel  must  be  got  underway, 
and  that  he  felt  quite  unwell,  and  the  mate 
Mr.  John  Stone  was  taken  unwell  the  same 
morning ;  they  both  had  a  high  fever.  I  pro 
ceeded  to  sea  as  ordered,  Captain  Rea  fre 
quently  on  deck,  till  I  doubled  Cape  Ti 
ber  on  on  the  next  day.   The  third  day  out, 
Captain  Rea  was  struck  with  death  at  the 
table  eating  his  dinner.   He  was  put  in  his 
bed  and  died  in  about  an  hour  in  a  violent 
delirium.    We  were  but  five  of  us,  myself 
one  of  the  youngest,  and  part  of  us  not  in 
good  spirits.   Our  situation  was  rather  dis 
tressing.    At  five  P.  M.  we  had  the  corpse 
prepared  for  interment.    Mr.   Stone,  the 
mate,  who  I  had  endeavored  to  reconcile, 
and  who  was  very  weak,  then  consented  to 
attend  the  burial,  while  I  read  several  chap 
ters  appropriate  to  the  interment  of  a  per 
son,  in  the  absence  of  a  church  book.   We 
had  no  sooner  committed  the  poor  captain 
to  the  deep,  than  Mr.  Stone  fell  away  in  a 


166       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

swoon  and  was  near  gone;  however,  he 
lived  three  days  afterwards  when  we  buried 
him  as  we  had  the  captain,  in  all  the  so 
lemnity  possible  in  our  situation.  We  had 
a  strong  north  wind  and  were  detained  beat 
ing  twelve  or  fifteen  days  between  Cape 
Mole  St.  Nicholas  and  Cape  de  Maisi  with 
thirty  to  forty  sail  of  vessels.  Spoke  Cap 
tain  Davis  of  Gloucester  and  informed  him 
of  our  loss.  That  night,  the  wind  as  strong 
as  usual,  I  concluded  to  bear  up  and  run 
down  the  Gulf  passage,  and  in  twelve  days 
I  was  off  Havana,  and  in  eight  days  after, 
we  were  cast  away  on  Cape  Cod  in  a  violent 
snow  storm  on  the  thirty-first  day  of  De 
cember,  180 1.1  The  particulars  are  these. 
I  had  entered  the  waters  of  Montaug  Point 
and  was  within  ten  or  twelve  leagues  of  get 
ting  in,  when  the  wind  suddenly  veered 
around  to  the  W.  N.  W.,  when  we  hove  to, 
blowing  heavy.  We  lay  to  three  days,  and 

1  "A  schooner,  name  unknown,  commanded  by  Capt. 
Gideon  Rea,  was  wrecked  on  Cape  Cod  last  week,  vessel 
lost,  but  cargo  saved."  —  Salem  Gazette,  Jan.  8,  1802. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          167 

when  it  moderated  we  made  sail  and  got 
soundings  off  the  south  shoal,  ran  in  by 
the  shoal,  wind  S.  E.  About  three  o'clock 
in  the  p.  M.  the  wind  came  from  the  east 
with  snow  and  blew  a  heavy  gale,  and  we 
hove  to  under  close  reefed  foresail.    1 :  35 
A.  M.  we  saw  the  breakers  alongside,  when 
she  struck,  the  sea  making  a  breach  over 
her.  We  cut  away  the  main  mast,  the  fore 
mast  by  the  violence  of  the  striking  break 
ing  in  two  places.    We  then  beat  over  the 
shoal  and  drove  up  on  the  beach  but  could 
not  discover  anything.  At  3  A.  M.  we  got  on 
the  beach  and  got  up  behind  a  hill,  where 
we  trod  down  the  snow  sufficiently  to  walk 
and  to  keep  ourselves  from  freezing.    At 
daylight  we  travelled  to  the  south  not  know 
ing  what  part  of  the  Cape  we  were  on. 
Having  walked  about  four  miles  and  no 
prospect  of  relief,  I  concluded  to  return,  as 
we  were  getting  feeble.    We  walked  about 
a  mile  when  John  Low  became  quite  help 
less  and  lost  his  senses.    He  had  once  got 
into  the  surf  and  lost  his  mittens.    I  gave 


168       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

him  mine  and  placed  him  up  from  the  surf 
and  left  him  on  the  snow  helpless.  In  half 
an  hour  more,  Peter  Woodbury,  who  was 
by  my  side,  began  to  change  his  color  from 
white  to  purple  and  finally  fell  and  could  go 
no  farther.  He  retained  his  senses  when  I 
left  him  behind.  John  Porter,1  who  was 
with  me  as  well  as  Cato  Gowing,  continued 
walking  till  wre  obtained  the  vessel,  having 
fell  down  with  the  intention  of  giving  up  as 
we  could.  On  our  arrival  at  the  vessel,  we 
found  her  keeling  over  on  shore  and  the 
tide  had  left  her,  so  we  could  get  to  her  side, 
but  we  were  so  exhausted,  we  could  only 
place  ourselves  against  the  gunwale  and 
tumble  and  crawl  on  our  hands  and  knees 
to  the  cabin,  as  our  clothes  on  us  were  frozen 
and  our  strength  gone.  Porter  and  myself 
entered  one  bed  and  fell  asleep,  and  God 
only  knows  whether  we  should  ever  have 
awakened  in  this  world,  had  not  the  gale 

1  John  Porter  lived  near  what  is  now  the  Gloucester 
crossing  in  Beverly.  He  was  twenty-one  years  old  at  the 
time  of  the  wreck. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          169 

subsided  that  p.  M.  at  four  o'clock,  when 
the  inhabitants  from  Orleans  and  Chatham 
discovered  our  situation  from  the  hills.   At 
all  events,  the  first  thing  I  knew,  I  was 
awakened  from  my  stupor  by  several  men 
hauling  and  pulling  me  as  though  I  had 
been  out  of  my  senses,  but  I  stupidly  un 
derstood  them  and  as  I  heard  afterwards, 
they  were  fearful  that  I  was  frozen  and 
benumbed,  and  in  consequence,  in  the  loss 
of  my  senses.    I  recollect  when  I  was  able 
to    realize    my    situation,    I   immediately 
remembered    the    situation    of    my    poor 
shipmates  on  the  beach.  Having  given  the 
necessary  orders  to  the  people,  they  imme 
diately  pursued  the  direction  of  the  beach, 
where  they  soon  found  the  two  poor  fellows 
in  a  senseless  state  buried  in  part  in  the 
snow.  They  had  struggled  and  had  divested 
themselves  of  their  boots  and  hats  and  mit 
tens  and  lay  perfectly  still  when  found. 
They  were  taken  up,  put  into  a  boat,  and 
carried  six  miles  and  the  only  appearance 
of  life  was  a  slight  faint  panting  at  the 


170        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

heart.  They  were  placed  into  the  hands  of 
three  women  who  put  them  on  beds,  un 
dressed  them  and  commenced  an  operation 
of  applying  blankets  and  warm  flannels, 
constantly  repeating  them  from  6  p.  M.  to 
1  A.  M.  the  following  morning,  when  Peter 
Woodbury,1  the  first  who  came  to,  opened 
his  eyes  and  asked,  "  Where  are  we  ?  Whose 
house  am  I  in?"  Shortly  afterwards  Low 
came  to,  in  the  same  surprise.  I  learned 
afterward  from  the  women  that  the  water 
that  came  from  them  was  sufficient  to  pass 
through  two  beds  on  the  floor.  It  seemed 
on  application  of  the  blankets  that  their 
whole  body  had  been  a  frozen  body  of  ice. 
They  revived  very  soon.  The  only  incon 
venience,  was  the  loss  of  the  skin  from  their 
faces  and  hands,  and  such  parts  of  their 
bodies  as  were  most  exposed.  My  situation 
was  very  bad.  Owing  to  the  suffering  in  my 
joints  and  the  raw  state  of  my  thighs,  I 

1  Peter  Woodbury  lived  at  Beverly  Cove.  He  was 
afterwards  master's  mate  on  the  "  Constitution,"  and  lost 
his  thumb  in  the  fight  with  the  *'  Java." 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          171 

could  not  for  twelve  days  walk  without  the 
greatest  pains,  and,  consequently,  had  to 
sit  upon  a  horse,  all  the  time  we  were  saving 
the  cargo  and  the  wreck.  I  was  detained 
in  Chatham  about  four  weeks.  I  had  writ 
ten  to  Boston  to  the  owners  of  the  schooner 
informing  them  of  our  unfortunate  situa 
tion,  but  from  some  etiquette  between  the 
underwriters  and  the  owners,  neither  would 
answer  my  letter,  consequently,  I  employed 
men  and  saved  all  the  cargo  and  all 
the  wreck  worth  saving,  and  chartered  a 
schooner  of  Salathall  Nicholson,  for  three 
hundred  dollars  to  take  my  cargo  on  board 
and  forward  to  Boston.  Just  as  I  had  ac 
complished  the  lading  of  the  cargo,  I 
received  a  letter  from  Brook's  office,  saying 
they  had  appointed  a  Mr.  Sears  of  Chatham 
to  take  charge  of  the  business,  Mr.  Sears 
called  on  me  and  confirmed  the  statement, 
but  as  I  had  finished  all,  waiting  for  wind 
only,  I  rendered  him  my  account,  with 
which  he  was  perfectly  satisfied,  and  made 
no  alteration  in  my  arrangements.  He  im- 


172        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

mediately  gave  me  his  dispatch  and  I  waited 
a  wind,  only  Porter  and  the  cook  remained 
with  me.  Woodbury  and  Low  had  recovered 
and  walked  home,  and  I  obtained  no  assist 
ance  whatever  from  any  of  our  crew.  Cap 
tain  John  Doane  and  his  amiable  wife  were 
like  parents  to  me  in  my  illness  and  in  my 
business,  more  attention  was  impossible  to 
be  paid  than  was  by  those  kind  people. 
The  whole  of  the  inhabitants  of  Chatham 
seemed  to  vie  with  each  other  to  entertain 
me  comfortably  and  injustice  to  them,  dur 
ing  all  the  transaction  of  the  shipwreck,  no 
instance  of  robbery  or  loss  of  anything  oc 
curred  from  those  people.  I  wish  I  could 
say  the  same  of  the  Orleans  people;  they 
\vere  detected  in  taking  bags  of  coffee,  and 
actually  took  one  in  defiance  of  the  watch. 
Apparatus  of  the  vessel  was  stolen,  more 
or  less,  and  deposited  in  an  obscure  out 
building  belonging  to  Mr.  Timothy  Blank, 
where  it  was  to  lie  for  division.  This  fact 
I  detected  by  taking  one  of  his  party  in  a 
snowstorm  with  our  effects  in  his  posses- 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          173 

sion,  and  as  he  candidly  confessed  the 
whole  plan  and  who  employed  him,  I  had 
the  satisfaction  of  deducting  about  $150 
from  Timothy  Blank's  account,  which  was 
very  cutting  to  him,  when  Mr.  Sears  settled 
for  me.  In  regard  to  Chatham,  the  man 
ners  of  the  town  were  similar  to  all  our 
small  towns  with  the  exception  of  some 
ancient  customs  among  the  young  people, 
and,  what  was  by  me  at  that  time  disap 
proved  of,  —  I  allude  to  the  free  mode  of 
courtship  called  bundling.  While  there  I 
was  much  courted  by  one  of  the  first  young 
ladies  of  the  place  as  regards  property,  but 
my  unfortunate  situation  would  not  per 
mit  me  to  enjoy  the  company  of  the  young 
people,  consequently,  the  poor  girl  had  to 
go  home  alone  several  evenings,  as  I  wished 
not  to  raise  any  thought  of  my  attention 
being  toward  her.  We,  after  settling  with 
Mr.  Sears,  got  a  wind  and  proceeded  to 
Boston.  I  had  Mr.  Nicholson  passenger. 
I  immediately  called  on  Mr.  Francis,  who 
ordered  me  to  call  on  Mr.  Brooks.  Having 


174       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY    G.   LAMSON 

called  on  all,  I  gave  up  the  vessel  and  was 
paid  off  by  Mr.  Francis  in  Boston.  My  fa 
ther,  who  had  come  up  to  Boston  to  take 
me  home,  called  upon  me  and  took  me  to 
his  boarding  house  at  William  Marshall's, 
Friday,  where  I  was  no  sooner  known  as 
his  son,  than  all  attention  was  paid,  and 
being  Friday  night,  our  table  was  laid  at 
nine  P.  M.  when  the  picked  bones  of  a  few 
chickens  wrere  placed  on  the  table.  My  ap 
petite  being  very  keen,  I  could  not  indulge 
in  what  I  saw  was  so  gross  an  imposition, 
but  declined  their  proffered  service  to  be 
helped.  I  rose  at  five  A.  M.  and  left  the 
house,  telling  my  father  I  did  not  choose 
to  pay  for  starving  and  I  was  going  to  get 
something  to  eat.  I  accordingly  bought  me 
a  large  loaf  of  bread  and  proceeded  on 
board  a  sloop  belonging  to  Beverly,  where 
they  gave  me  a  large  bowl  of  chocolate  and 
I  made  a  comfortable  meal.  On  Saturday 
at  four  p.  M.,  my  father  called  me  to  go 
home;  we  arrived  at  eight  p.  M.,  where  I 
found  all  my  family  in  good  health.  On 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          175 

Monday  I  proceeded  to  Boston  and  settled 
up  all  concerns  relative  to  the  voyage  and 
returned  home  on  Wednesday. 

I  shortly  looked  up  a  voyage  and  shipped 
on  board  the  ship  Wells l  of  Salem,  Ezra 
Smith  master,  as  a  light  hand.  On  the  day 
of  sailing,  our  chief  officer  was  taken  sick 
and  the  second  officer  promoted  chief,  and 
I  was  made  second  mate,  and  for  the  first 
time,  then  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  old, 
paraded  the  quarter  deck.  How  trifling 
some  of  my  relations  may  appear,  yet  an  ob 
serving  man  or  a  man  fond  of  discipline  on 
board  his  vessel  will  see  their  importance. 
My  having  been  as  a  boy  with  the  crew, 
and  they  able  seamen,  for  several  days  they 
naturally  thought  they  had  a  chicken  to 
pick,  and,  as  I  reflected  on  all  the  disad 
vantages  attending  me,  I  came  to  the  reso 
lution  to  check  the  first  liberty  taken ;  and 
off  Baker's  Island,  not  two  hours  out,  one 
of  the  oldest  seamen  contradicted  me  in  an 
abrupt  manner  and  significantly ;  but  I  first 

1  Ship  "Wells,"  205  tons,  William  Gray,  owner. 


176       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

made  him  do  what  I  told  him,  then  gave 
him  a  few  good  blows  which  fully  satisfied 
him  that  he  was  to  take  no  liberty  with  me. 
We  performed  our  voyage  to  Hamburg  and 
Russia  and  returned  home,  when  we  sailed 
for  Bremen  where  we  lay  in  the  winter  sea 
son  frozen  up  till  January,  when  we  put  to 
sea  with  our  pilot  on  board  and  discharged 
our  pilot  at  Heligoland.  In  about  seven 
days  we  lost  Eleazor  Giles  of  fever  and 
buried  him  at  sea.  We  arrived  after  about 
forty-five  days  at  Norfolk,  whence  we  were 
ordered  to  Alexandria.  Being  shorthanded 
and  working  hard,  I  took  a  severe  cold  and 
fever  which  was  very  violent  and  dangerous. 
Owing  to  one  of  the  best  physicians  and 
Captain  Marsh  and  Captain  Roundy  and 
God's  blessing,  I  recovered.  The  lady  I 
was  sick  with,  was  Mrs.  Sanger,  an  amiable 
woman,  and  her  husband  was  in  affluent 
circumstances.  She  did  all  in  her  power 
for  my  health.  We  finally  sailed  for  Lisbon 
with  a  cargo  of  wheat  and  returned  via  Rus 
sia  to  Salem.  Our  chief  mate  was  put  on 


DIARY  OF   CAPTAIN  LAMSON         177 

board  another  vessel  and  I  was  appointed 
mate.  We  proceeded  to  Gotenburg,  Co 
penhagen  and  Russia,  where  we  made  our 
voyage  and  returned  to  Salem.  Lying  only 
eight  days,  we  were  ordered  to  Alexandria, 
our  cargo  to  deliver  to  Mr.  Blank.  We  ar 
rived  in  October,  discharged,1  put  the  ship 
in  good  order  and  lay  till  December.  In 
the  latter  part  we  received  orders  to  load 
our  ship  with  flour  and  be  off  for  Lisbon. 
In  three  days  we  laded  and  took  our  boats 
and  hauled  down,  ice  making  very  fast,  and 
got  caught  so  that  it  was  impracticable  to 
go  any  farther.  As  Captain  Smith  was 
highly  blamed  and  dismissed  the  ship  on 
account  of  it,  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  say  Cap 
tain  Smith  did  all  any  man  could  do,  and 
the  malicious  letters  written  to  Mr.  Grey 
were  on  account  of  our  not  cutting  through 
the  ice  and  taking  the  ship  to  Mr.  J.  D.'s 
wharf.  Mr.  J.  D.  was  the  cause  of  it  all,  and 

1  "Ship  « Wells,'  Smith,  sailed  from  Alexandria  for 
Lisbon."  —  Salem  Gazette,  Feb.  26,  1805. 


178       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

at  the  time  Mr.  Grey  had  no  better  man 
in  his  employ. 

Captain  Smith  was  ill  treated  by  the 
whole  party.  We  finally  sailed  in  February 
for  Lisbon,  sold  our  cargo  took  on  board 
salt  and  proceeded  home,  making  a  bad 
voyage,  we  landed  at  seven  p.  M.  Saw  Mr. 
Grey.1  He  was  very  cold  to  the  Captain. 
Ordered  me  over  very  early  in  the  morning. 
Mr.  Grey  ordered  me  on  board  to  await  his 
orders.  At  eleven  A.  M.  a  boat  came  bring 
ing  me  a  letter  from  Mr.  Grey,  saying  I 
must  take  charge  and  discharge  all  hands  as 
the  Captain  was  discharged.  I  discharged 
the  cargo  and  paid  attention  to  the  vessel, 
all  the  time  on  wages  as  mate.  During  this 
time  the  young  lady  I  was  paying  attention 
to  played  the  coquette  by  leaving  me,  but 
as  I  was  not  so  far  lost  in  love  as  to  feel  the 
disappointment,  I  soon  got  over  it  and  be- 

1  William  Gray,  born  in  Lynn,  June  27,  1750.  Re 
moved  from  Salem  to  Boston  in  1807.  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor  of  Massachusetts  from  1810  to  1812  inclusive. 
Died  Nov.  3,  1825. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          179 

gan  to  think  of  another,  and  in  my  next 
selection  I  sought  one  who  repaid  all  loss 
I  could  have  anticipated.  I  began  soon  to 
fit  out  the  ship  for  the  Mediterranean  with 
a  cargo  of  sugar  and  coffee  and  now  was 
hailed  first  captain,  and  being  only  twenty 
years  and  six  months  old,  it  was  thought 
my  prospects  were  very  flattering,  but 
thorns  were  already  in  the  path  of  com 
merce  which  were  quickly  to  appear.  In 
July  26,  1805,  I  sailed  from  Salem  for 
Marseilles,1  Leghorn  and  a  market,  and 
my  sworn  cost  of  cargo  was  $76,000  and 
proceeded  on  about  twenty-eight  days. 
When  abreast  of  Tangiers,  in  the  strait,  I 
was  captured  by  the  H.  B.  M.  Frigate, 
Naid,  Captain  Thomas  Dundas,2  eleven 
days  from  England,  with  orders  to  capture 
all  vessels  bound  to  a  French  port.  I  need 
to  say  only  that  we  were  carried  to  Gibral- 

1  "  Ship  'Wells,'  Lamson,  cleared  from  Salem  for  Mar- 
sailles."  —  Salem  Gazette,  July  26,  1805. 

2  The  "Naid,"  36,  Captain,  afterwards  Vice-Admiral, 
Sir  Thomas  Dundas. 


180       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

ter,  tried  and  condemned,  all  but  about 
$1400  American  produce.  The  Judge  of 
this  court  of  Admiralty  was  named  Jepth- 
son,  the  principal  prize  agent  was  named 
Cut  worth  (he  was,  for  his  known  rapacity 
for  money,  called  Cutthroat).  The  king's 
fiscal  was  named  Benson,  and  a  more 
corrupt  and  worthless  Court  never  got 
together  than  when  they  met.  In  my  in 
structions  from  my  owners  I  was  to  pro 
ceed  to  Leghorn  if  markets  did  not  suit  at 
Marseilles.1  On  reading  over  my  instruc 
tion  they  would  not  admit  that  clause, 
neither  would  Mr.  Gavena,  the  American 
Consul,  interfere.  The  fact  was,  it  was 
their  custom  to  meet  over  their  bottle  and 
make  up  their  decisions  for  the  next  day, 
and  no  observations  of  counsel  was  of  any 

1  Extract  from  letter  of  advice  of  Sept.  30,  "  Importers 
should  not  ship  goods  they  have  themselves  imported. 
Court  of  Admiralty  decides  with  rigor  in  all  cases  of  con 
tinuity  of  voyage.  Vessels  should  never  clear  for  places 
in  a  state  of  blockade  or  with  an  alternate  destination." 
—  Salem  Gazette,  Dec.  8,  1807. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          181 

effect.  The  plea  was,  that  the  mere  landing 
of  colonial  produce  did  not  neutralize,  but 
that  case  did  not  apply  to  me,  as  the  cargo 
was  all  introduced  into  the  United  States 
by  other  vessels.1  When  they  made  that  a 
plea  every  person  in  court  showed  their 
indignation  by  rising  and  leaving  Court. 
Mr.  Starks  the  Swedish  Consul,  Mr.  Drake 
the  Partner  in  the  House  of  Robert  Ander 
son  &  Co.  who  came  out  with  me,  declared 
that  no  person  could  tell  on  what  grounds 
or  for  what  reasons  they  had  condemned 
the  property ;  it  was  an  arbitrary  and  wilful 
robbery  which  at  that  time  the  British  Gov 
ernment  countenanced,  and  Sir  William 

1  "We  understand  several  decisions  in  Courts  of  Ad 
miralty  in  England  have  been  recently  given,  that  a  neu 
tral  shall  not  be  allowed  to  make  either  a  direct  or 
circuitous  voyage  from  an  enemy's  colony  to  enemy's 
country,  but  where  produce  was  proved  to  have  been 
bought  in  the  neutral  nation,  vessels  were  acquitted." 
-Salem  Gazette,  Jan.  24,  1806. 

This  is  the  plea  that  Capt.  Lamson  urged,  that  the 
cargo,  whatever  its  origin,  was  bought  by  him  in  the 
United  States  in  good  faith. 


182       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

Scott  was  a  tool  of  the  government  at  that 
time,  in  many  of  his  decisions.1 

However,  in  twelve  months  the  property 
was  recovered,  but  with  great  loss  to  Mr. 
Grey.  My  being  for  the  first  time  Captain 
and  having  so  large  a  cargo  and  responsi 
bility  wore  hard  upon  me.  In  four  months 
I  was  in  Salem  with  an  empty  ship  and  a 
sad  tale  to  my  owners.  I  had  not  the  least 
doubt  my  misfortunes  would  be  imputed 
to  my  youth  and  inexperience,  and  I  should 
lose  the  confidence  of  my  owner,  but  on  ar 
rival  at  Boston  I  proceeded  to  Salem,  called 

1  "The  *  Wells,'  Lamson,  master.  This  vessel  under 
American  colors,  with  a  cargo  of  sugar,  coffee,  staves, 
&  on  a  voyage  from  Salem  to  Marsailles  was  captured 
on  the  ninth  of  Sept.  1805,  by  his  Majesty's  ship  'Naid,' 
Thomas  Dundas,  commander,  and  carried  to  Gibralter 
where  the  usual  proceedings  were  instituted.  It  appeared 
that  the  Judge  of  the  Vice  Admiralty  court,  restored  the 
ship  and  adventures  of  Master,  mate  and  sea  men  and 
also  5621  pipe  staves  and  thirteen  hogsheads  of  tobacco 
and  condemned  the  rest  of  the  goods.  From  which  part 
of  sentence  claimants  appealed.  Their  Lordships  af 
firmed  the  sentence  of  the  court  below." — Columbian 
Centinel,  Feb.  3,  1808. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          183 

on  him,  and  I  suppose  he  saw  the  dejection 
of  my  spirits,  for  he  encouraged  me  and 
told  me  to  keep  up  good  spirits  and  I  should 
be  off  again  shortly.  In  about  three  weeks 
I  sailed  again  for  them  for  Alexandria1  with 
a  half  cargo  of  hemp,  candles,  sailcloth, 
and  consigned  to  Lewis  Deblois  for  sale. 
My  order  was  to  take  in  a  cargo  of  flour 
and  proceed  to  Hamburg,  then  occupied  by 
French  troops  and  blockaded  by  the  Eng 
lish  cruisers.  I  had  a  short  passage  to  Alex 
andria  —  say  seven  days  —  and  on  the 
fifty-sixth  day  I  was  captured  on  the  River 
Elbe  just  below  Cuxhaven.2 

The  particulars  were,  that  when  about 
twenty  leagues  from  the  Elbe  I  was  boarded 
by  his  Majesty's  cruiser,  L'Aimable  Frig- 

1  Alexandria  was  an  important  port  in  1800,  exporting 
large  amounts  of  wheat  and  tobacco. 

"An  Alexandria,  Virginia,  paper  says  that  in  three 
months  36,000  barrels  of  flour  were  inspected  at  that  port 
and  between  fifty  and  one  hundred  vessels  are  lying  in 
harbor,  waiting  to  load."  —  Salem  Gazette,  Sept.  22, 
1797. 

2  Cuxhaven,  the  port  of  Hamburg. 


184       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

ate,1  who  endorsed  my  papers  and  ordered 
me  not  to  proceed  to  Hamburg.  As  my  or 
ders  from  Mr.  Grey  were  to  get  in  if  there 
was  any  possible  chance,  although  I  should 
meet  a  cruiser,  I  informed  my  crew  that  I 
should  proceed  to  Tonningin,  and,  as  the 
same  course  for  both  places  was  alike  for 
Heligoland,2  I  ran  for  it  on  the  same  after 
noon.  At  five  p.  M.  I  saw  the  island  of  Heli 
goland  and  a  Brig  Cruiser  standing  out. 
She  spoke  me,  asked  where  I  was  bound, 
and  if  I  had  been  informed  of  the  blockade.3 
I  replied  in  the  affirmative  and  proceeded 
on  my  course.  At  nine  p.  M.  a  pilot  boat 
came  alongside  from  Heligoland,  but  he 
asked  me  eighty  guineas  for  the  pilotage. 
I  offered  him  five  and  no  more,  when  he 

1  "L'Aimable,"  32,  Capt.  Bolton. 

2  Heligoland  was  the  place  from  which  all  vessels  en 
tering  the  Elbe  were  obliged  to  take  pilots  to  make  their 
insurance  good. 

8  April  1,  1806,  Napoleon  forced  Prussia  to  close  her 
ports  and  those  of  Hanover  to  the  British,  and  England 
replied  by  a  blockade  of  the  coast  from  the  Ems  to  the 
Elbe. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          185 

left  me  telling  me  that  I  was  going  to  have 
a  gale  of  wind.  I  did  not  then  believe  it, 
but  sure  enough  at  midnight  I  had  a  hard 
gale  of  wind.  By  four  A.  M.  I  was  under 
close-reef  top-sail  and  fore-sail,  and  miz- 
zen  stay-sail,  and  in  thirteen  fathoms  water 
outside  the  Vogel  sands.  At  daylight  from 
my  top  I  saw  the  Island,  and  as  I  naturally 
considered  the  Brig  I  spoke  was  the  inner 
look-out  vessel  and  I  had  the  Elbe  open 
under  my  lee,  I  felt  sure  of  evading  the 
blockade,  consequently  I  ran  for  the  red 
Buoy ;  but  to  my  astonishment,  as  I  doubled 
the  Buoy,  the  man  at  the  mast  head  dis 
covered  four  sails  up  the  river  at  anchor. 
I  ran  up  the  top  with  my  glass  and  dis 
covered  that  they  were  men  of  war.  I 
hauled  my  ship  to,  beat  her  in  on  eight 
tacks  in  their  sight  till  my  danger  was  great 
in  wearing  my  ship  and  I  started  the  most 
of  my  water  and  arranged  my  log  to  show 
my  distress  the  night  before,  and  bore  up 
for  the  squadron.  On  passing  the  first  ship 
I  was  ordered  to  anchor,  but  as  we  were 


186       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

under  our  courses  and  topsail  I  told  them 
I  would,  in  hopes  as  it  blew  so,  to  pass 
them,  but  the  Spy  sloop  of  war,  which  I  had 
to  pass  very  close,  fired  her  waist  guns  just 
over  our  heads.  We  passed  her  and  two 
more  lying  a  mile  above  her  and  a  Cutter, 
when  I  thought  it  best  to  come  to.  The 
gale  blowing  hard,  they  did  not  board  me 
until  four  in  the  afternoon  when  I  was  re 
quested  to  go  on  to  the  Commodore's  ship. 
On  going  aboard  the  Ariadne  Frigate,  Lord 
Viscount  Falkland,1  who  was  the  com 
mander  and  who  was  in  the  Cabin,  I  was 
received  by  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Deck, 
who  introduced  me  to  the  Cabin.  My  first 
salutation  was  to  beg  his  permission  to  lay 
by  until  the  gale  abated  and  I  could  obtain 
a  pilot  for  Tonningen.  He  made  no  reply, 
but  took  my  papers  and  in  a  haughty  man 
ner  began  to  handle  them  as  I  stood  with 
out  his  invitation  to  sit  down.  I  felt  dis 
posed  to  hear  him  speak  and  inconsequence 

1  "  Ariadne,"  20,  Capt.  Falkland.    Capt.  Charles  John 
Viscount  Falkland. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          187 

I  asked  him  if  he  had  examined  my  papers ; 
he  replied  he  believed  he  should  send  me  to 
England.  I  replied,  "If  you  do  I  have  good 
friends  there."  He  did  not  like  my  laconic 
reply.  He  says,  "You  may  walk  on  deck," 
so  I  told  him  I  was  obliged  to  him  for  his 
politeness.  Being  nearly  eight,  the  ward 
room  officers  (who  were  perfect  gentlemen) 
invited  me  below  to  supper  and  refresh 
ment,  and  gave  up  their  accommodations 
for  me  and  treated  me  with  the  greatest 
urbanity. 

I  passed  the  night  on  board  as  comfort 
able  as  circumstances  would  admit,  and  in 
the  morning  I  called  on  his  Lordship  for 
his  determination.  He  replied  that  he 
should  send  me  to  England.  I  told  him  that 
he  had  better  have  a  survey  on  my  ship  and 
look  at  her  shattered  state,  before  he  en 
acted  a  useless  order. 

He  sent  on  board  his  boatswain  and  car 
penter  who  made  a  report  to  suit  his  Lord 
ship's  views  when  they  came  back.  I  told 
them  their  report  was  incorrect,  they  did 


188       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

not  state  the  facts.  On  the  next  day,  being 
Sunday,  his  Lordship  concluded  to  dine  in 
the  ward  room  and  telegraphed  the  Fleet 
for  their  Commanders  to  come  on  board. 
I,  who  was  in  my  common  sea  dress,  a 
clean  check  shirt  and  jacket  and  trousers, 
and  which  had  not  been  thought  to  dis 
grace  me  with  the  Officers  of  the  ship,  was 
now  thought  derogatory  to  his  Lordship ; 
consequently,  at  two  p.  M.  the  first  Lieu 
tenant  called  upon  me  and  with  as  much 
feeling  as  a  man  would  have,  under  such 
orders  from  such  a  despot,  told  me  that  his 
Lordship  requested  that  I  would  dine  that 
day  at  a  separate  table ;  that  I  had  an  ele 
gant  dinner  and  two  servants  to  attend  upon 
me.  I  told  the  Lieutenant  on  his  part  to 
make  himself  easy.  I  was  sensible  that  it 
was  not  the  wish  of  any  officer  on  board, 
consequently,  I  would  thank  him  to  give 
my  compliments  to  Lord  Falkland ;  that  I 
would  not  partake  of  a  dinner  on  board  his 
ship ;  that  he  now  had  me  in  his  power  and 
could  treat  me  as  a  gentleman  or  as  a  pris- 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          189 

oner  of  war ;  my  ship  was  only  a  detained 
vessel  and  I  felt  myself  no  doubt  of  the  re 
sult,  and  now,  sooner  than  eat  a  meal  of 
victuals  on  board  his  ship,  I  would  perish 
on  his  Quarter  Deck.  The  various  Lieu 
tenants  and  Officers  of  Marine,  repeatedly 
begged  me  that  I  would  partake  of  some 
refreshment  and  continually  apologized, 
meaning  I  should  be  satisfied  that  it  was 
Lord  Falkland's  doings.  At  four  o'clock 
when  at  dinner,  the  officers  related  my  ob 
servations  to  the  great  man.  The  first  thing 
I  knew,  as  I  was  walking  the  quarter  deck, 
his  Lordship  came  on  deck,  leaving  his 
dinner  and  says  to  me,  "  Sir,  you  would  like 
to  go  on  your  ship,  I  suppose."  I  replied  I 
should  like  to  go  where  I  could  be  treated 
like  a  gentleman.  The  first  news  I  had,  a 
boat  was  manned  and  I  was  ordered  on  the 
"Spy"  sloop  of  war,  which  was  to  have 
convoyed  our  ship  to  England.  On  going 
on  board,  the  1st  Lieutenant  was  so  grossly 
intoxicated  (in  fact  there  was  but  one  of 
ficer,  and  that  the  purser,  that  was  fit  to  be 


190       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

on  board  any  decent  ship)  that  I  found  my 
self  very  uncomfortable.  I  went  into  the 
ward  room.  There  were  four  officers,  such 
as  they  were.  They  had  not  decent  pro 
visions  upon  their  table,  one  solitary  mug 
to  drink  coffee  in  was  filled  and  passed 
around.  Their  long  cruise  was  their  apo 
logy,  but  I  was  soon  convinced  of  the  rea 
sons  which  were  becoming  more  obvious 
every  moment.  I  remained  and  break 
fasted  the  next  day,  when  the  same  miser 
able  mode  of  living  was  shown  in  their 
breakfast.  During  the  time  I  was  at  the 
table  a  boy  brought  on  a  dish  of  stewed 
porpoise,  that  some  of  the  officers  had  stolen 
from  my  crew,  who  had  on  the  passage 
cured  one  by  smoking  it  at  the  Caboose. 
On  an  inquiry  at  the  table  what  dish  it  wras, 
my  boy  George  Tittle,  who  was  with  me  on 
board  said,  "It  was  some  of  our  sailors' 
porpoise."  Such  a  grinning  and  wry  mouths 
you  could  hardly  imagine.  "  Take  it  away, 
throw  it  away."  It  was  put  off  the  table. 
Shortly  after  I  went  on  deck  leaving  my 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          191 

boy  with  the  ward  room  boy.  He  informed 
me  as  soon  as  I  was  gone  up,  they  fell  upon 
the  porpoise  and  finished  it  in  a  twinkling, 
not  leaving  any  for  their  boys. 

In  the  forenoon  I  was  walking  with  the 
Purser,  who  appeared  to  suffer  from  the 
unfortunate  association  with  such  brutes. 
The  first  Lieutenant,  about  half  drunk, 
was  walking  on  the  Larboard  side  of  the 
deck  with  the  Captain's  Clerk,  and  he  re 
peatedly  and  loudly  observed  if  he  could 
meet  the  American  frigate  Constitution, 
with  his  ship  and  crew,  he  would  capture 
her.  As  he  frequently  turned  toward  me, 
I  presumed  he  meant  to  insult  me.  I  told 
him  if  his  conversation  was  addressed  to 
me,  he  was  no  gentleman  to  make  use  of  it 
in  that  manner  and  I  hoped  that  I  should 
meet  him  shortly  in  England,  where  I  would 
call  him  to  account  for  it.  He  replied  that 
if  I  gave  him  any  abuse  he  would  have  me 
confined.  I  told  him  it  was  more  than  his 
Master  dare  do,  and  I  then  told  him  that 
on  my  arrival  at  Yarmouth,  I  would  pub- 


192       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

lish  and  call  him  out.  Captain  Hudson  of 
the  ship,  coming  on  board  after  this  affair, 
probably  had  the  relation  of  my  dispute 
with  him.  He  told  the  Purser  I  had  served 
him  perfectly  right  and  he  commended  me 
for  it.  I  immediately  sent  a  note  to  Cap 
tain  Hudson,  requesting  a  separate  room 
from  the  ward  room  of  his  ship,  as  I  would 
not  be  associated  with  part  of  his  officers, 
and,  as  my  own  boy  was  aboard,  I  pre 
ferred  having  my  provisions  sent  from  my 
own  vessel  on  board  to  me.  The  only  fa 
vor  I  requested  was  his  galley.  He  imme 
diately  gave  me  the  Master's  room,  who 
was  then  absent,  and  from  that  time,  about 
a  week,  I  had  all  my  provisions  of  every 
description  sent  on  board  ship.  The  mis 
erable  officers,  whom  I  had  no  means  to 
rebuke  of  their  impoliteness,  would  even 
when  I  was  eating  come  to  my  room  door 
and  beg  for  a  piece  of  bread  and  a  glass  of 
brandy,  or  part  of  my  fowl  or  whatever  I 
had,  the  purser  excepted.  He  dined  with 
me  on  two  occasions.  I  afterwards  learned 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          193 

that  their  ship  was  fitted  up,  for  punish 
ment  to  officers  who  had  been  suspended, 
and  I  learned  the  character  of  the  different 
officers,  and,  from  her  first  Lieutenant  to 
carpenter,  they  had  been  suspended  from 
larger  ships.  The  purser,  though  I  do  not 
remember  his  name,  was  an  exception.  He 
was  a  young  man  and  was  probably  as  for 
ward  in  his  rank  as  he  would  have  been  on 
any  ship ;  his  responsibility  was  the  same. 
The  only  officer  whose  name  I  recollect 
was  the  drunken  first  Lieutenant ;  his  name 
was  Yates.  At  the  expiration  of  a  week  the 
"Starling  Gun  Brig,"  Lieutenant  Napier, 
arrived  and  the  next  day  the  wind  came 
fair.  I  was  ordered  aboard  of  her  and  a 
prize  crew  was  put  on  board  my  ship  and 
under  convoy  was  ordered  to  England. 

On  board  the  Starling 1  I  was  very  com 
fortable,  living  and  passing  my  time  with 
Napier.  We  arrived  at  Yarmouth  and  as 
soon  as  we  arrived  I  found  that  the  sloop 

1  Brig  "  Starling,"  12,  commanded  by  Lieutenant, 
afterwards  Admiral,  Sir  Charles  Napier. 


194       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

"  Spy  "  had  arrived  before  us,  and  as  the 
"  Starling"  was  ordered  under  way  immedi 
ately  again,  and  as  the  order  of  Lord  Falk 
land  was  that  I  should  not  communicate 
with  my  officers,  until  we  had  gone  through 
with  their  thirty-two  standing  interrogato 
ries,1  I  was  again  sent  on  the  "  Spy  "  sloop  of 
war ;  but  as  I  knew  I  should  be  detained  not 
more  than  a  day  on  board  I  felt  quite  easy, 
but  what  was  my  surprise  when  I  went  on 
board  to  see  First  Lieutenant  Yates  drunk 
between  two  of  the  waist  guns  and  unable 
to  get  up,  and  as  many  as  seven  or  eight 
couples  righting.  The  Admiral's  ship  was 
making  signals  every  few  minutes  to  vari 
ous  ships,  and  the  signal  or  quarter  master 
was  looking  out  and  repeatedly  calling  on 
the  officers  to  know  if  it  was  for  their  ship ; 
if  it  had  been  I  know  not  what  would  have 
been  the  result. 

1  In  the  Boston  Gazette  of  Aug.  1,  1807,  is  a  copy  of  the 
thirty-two  "standing  interrogatories."  They  were  very 
searching,  and  related  chiefly  to  the  ownership  of  the  ship 
and  cargo,  the  origin  of  the  cargo  and  its  destination. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          195 

The  Pilot,  a  decent  man,  called  a  North 
Sea  Pilot,  was  on  deck.  He  told  me  that 
he  was  in  actual  danger  of  his  life  and  had 
been  all  the  cruise,  that  it  was  a  mercy  that 
they  were  arrived  safe  without  some  dis 
aster,  as  her  cockpit  near  the  magazine  was 
exposed  to  fire  every  night,  and  owing  to 
so  much  intoxication  on  board  he  should 
write  for  his  discharge. 

The  Captain  of  a  sloop  of  war,  which  lay 
near  us,  came  on  board  and  not  a  soul  re 
ceived  him.  He  came  on  deck,  walked  be 
low,  returned  on  deck  and  left  the  ship. 
He  was  an  elderly  man  and  felt  much  mor 
tified  by  her  condition.  The  following  day  I 
landed  and  at  1  p.  M.  called  on  his  Majesty's 
Officers  appointed  for  the  investigation  of 
prize  cases,  and  very  briefly  I  told  them  my 
story,  as  well  as  handed  them  three  aff a- 
davits  which  had  been  taken  on  board  their 
ships,  they  not  knowing  of  it.  I  drew  them 
up  and  the  three  pilots  signed  them  as  well 
as  the  Heligoland  Pilot,  and,  as  they  all 
arrived  at  Yarmouth,  I  had  them  sworn  to. 


196        CAPTAIN  ZACIIARY  G.  LAMSON 

And  with  all  their  watch  over  me  in  the 
Elbe,  as  to  conversation  with  my  officers, 
I  had  it  every  day  by  letter.  The  same  boat 
that  fetched  my  provisions  invariably 
brought  a  letter  and  carried  one  to  my  mate, 
Mr.  Jones,  so  that  when  I  arrived  at  Yar 
mouth,  I  was  as  well  prepared  for  my  in 
terrogation  as  though  I  had  lectured  my 
crew  for  a  week.  The  Board  of  Commis 
sioners  did  declare  that  no  case  ever  came 
before  them  where  there  was  such  a  simi 
larity  in  the  answers  to  the  questions  pro 
posed. 

On  arrival  I  wrote  the  House  of  Bain- 
bridge  &  Brown  of  London  and  stated  all 
the  particulars  relating  to  the  voyage  and 
capture,  and  described  the  cargo  on  board. 
They  wrote  me  to  make  myself  perfectly 
easy  and  come  up  to  London  as  soon  as  I 
could  and  bring  up  with  me  samples.  On 
the  same  day  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Lyman  our  Consul,  who  had,  through  Mr. 
Williams  the  vice-consul  at  Yarmouth, 
been  informed  of  our  arrival  and  detention, 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          197 

but  as  he  had  learned  that  I  had  written 
Messrs.  Bainbridge  &  Brown,1  he  wrote 
me  more  as  an  order  to  call  on  him,  than  as 
a  request;  consequently,  I  did  not  notice 
it  and  I  was  thankful  that  I  pursued  the 
course  I  did  afterwards,  for  I  was  cleared, 
my  papers  returned  to  me,  a  British  license 
obtained  to  enter  the  Port  of  Hamburg, 
and  all  through  the  influence  of  Messrs. 
Bainbridge  &  Brown.  Whereas  more  than 
thirty  sail  of  vessels  were  there  liberated 
brought  in  under  similar  circumstances 
and  were  obliged,  many  of  them,  to  dis 
pose  of  a  part  of  their  cargo  to  satisfy  Mr. 
Lyman's  expenses  and  commission  on 
amount  of  cargo  for  claim  and  various 
expenses  which  took  from  five  to  eight 
hundred  pounds  to  liquidate.  My  whole 
expenses  including  travelling,  board,  pilot  - 

1  "Sixty-seven  vessels,  valued  at  $8,000,000,  belong 
ing  to  the  United  States  have  been  carried  into  English 
ports  under  the  late  orders  in  council.  Bainbridge  and 
Brown  are  the  agents  for  the  greater  part  of  this  immense 
American  property." — Boston  Chronicle,  June  13,  1808. 


198       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

age,  etc.  was  eighty-three  pounds.  Shortly 
after  I  sailed  again  for  Hamburg1  and  in 
three  days  I  entered  the  Elbe.  Off  the  en 
trance  I  was  again  brought  to  by  the  Frig 
ate  Ariadne.  As  I  had  painted  the  ship  in 
Yarmouth  and  as  they  had  parted  in  the 
prospect  of  prize  money,  they  had  no  idea 
that  the  Wells  was  liberated ;  consequently, 
a  boat  came  on  board.  My  mate  attended 
the  side.  The  first  Lieutenant  came  aft  and 
until  he  came  close  to  me  he  did  not  recol 
lect  me.  His  first  exclamation  was,  "How 
in  the  name  of  God  came  you  here  again." 
(By  the  bye,  there  had  been  considerable 
query  on  board  the  Ariadne  on  account  of 
my  telling  Lord  Falkland  I  had  a  good 
friend  in  England)  and  as  I  now  felt  dis 
posed  to  enjoy  myself  at  their  expense  a 
little,  I  asked  him  if  they  thought  I  was 
jesting  when  I  told  them  I  had  good  friends 
in  England.  He  says,  "  Let  me  see  your  pa 
pers."  He  went  below  into  the  Cabin.  My 

1  Ship  "  Wells  "  reported  July  9  at  Hamburg.  —  Salem 
Gazette,  Sept.  19,  1806. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          199 

license,  which  was  on  vellum  paper  and  in 
my  pocket,  was  kept  from  him.  I  showed 
him  my  papers  which  were  as  they  had  been 
since  I  was  first  captured.  He  would  not 
feel  satisfied  and  repeatedly  inquired  for 
some  document  to  show  I  was  liberated 
from  the  Port  of  Yarmouth.  As  I  had 
availed  myself  of  Sunday  for  sailing,  I  did 
not  pay  light  money,  although  the  bills  were 
presented  Saturday.  The  only  clearance  I 
had  was  the  Vice  Consul's  account  as  set 
tled  with  him,  as  I  had  no  call  at  the  Cus 
tom  House,  consequently  my  license  was 
my  ostensible  paper  in  the  last  alternative. 
He  said  that  he  saw  nothing  to  show  that 
I  was  cleared  by  proper  authority,  but  he 
would  go  on  board  and  if  they  made  a  sig 
nal  I  might  proceed.  But  on  going  aboard 
they  were  dispatched  back  with  three  more 
officers,  to  investigate  closely  into  my  being 
at  sea  without  a  proper  clearance.  After 
they  had  been  worried  and  teased  until  I 
thought  I  had  sufficiently  punished  them,  I 
then  handed  out  my  license  and  asked 


200        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

them  to  read  it.  The  first  Lieutenant  said, 
"Why  did  you  not  show  this  before?"  I 
observed  that  he  had  had  his  turn  of  guess 
ing  and  I  should  now  have  mine.  To  wind 
up  he  says,  "Well,  give  us  some  of  your 
good  crackers  and  we  will  be  off ;  you  have 
outgeneraled  us  and  I  wish  you  a  pleasant 
voyage." 

We  made  sail  and  stood  into  the  Elbe 
when  I  found  three  of  the  British  Cruisers. 
Unfortunately,  it  blew  a  gale  on  my  en 
tering  the  Elbe  and  when  I  came  up  with 
the  squadron,  just  below  Cuxhaven,  they 
ordered  me  to  anchor.  I  did  take  in  my 
sail  and  let  go  my  larboard  anchor  and  ran 
out  forty  fathoms.  The  ship  kept  drifting. 
The  last,  or  uppermost  of  the  squadron,  as 
I  was  drifting  by,  hailed  me  and  ordered 
me  to  let  go  my  second  anchor,  which  I 
did,  but  both  anchors  would  not  hold  me 
and  as  I  had  a  hard  and  fair  wind  up,  I 
was  determined  to  lose  no  time.  I  ordered 
my  cable  cut  and  made  sail.  I  close  reefed 
my  main  top  sail  and  foresail  and  mizzen 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         201 

staysail  and  ran  for  Cuxhaven.  Just  as  I 
was  in  the  act  of  grounding  my  ship  the 
Pilot  at  Cuxhaven  Pier  hailed,  saying,  "  We 
will  send  you  a  pilot."  I  hove  all  my  sail 
aback  with  my  ship  on  her  heel,  and  clewed 
up  my  sail,  running  up  the  river  expecting 
a  pilot  immediately.  I  ran  for  three  hours, 
when,  abreast  of  Glendat,  a  small  town  on 
the  river,  a  boat  came  alongside  with  six 
men  who  had  followed  me  from  Cuxhaven. 
They  all  jumped  on  board.  I  was  in  per 
fect  security  then.  I  could  put  ashore  at 
Glendat  or  could  obtain  the  Bank  of  the 
River,  but  those  pilots  began  to  make  con 
fusion.  I  ordered  all  but  one  to  their  boat, 
stating  I  only  wanted  one  pilot,  but  they 
took  no  notice  of  my  order.  I  called  the 
principal  one  and  told  him  to  take  charge 
and  I  would  pay  him  the  expense  of  his 
boat  for' coming  after  us.  He  assented  for 
a  time.  When  they  had  run  me  up  so  far 
as  to  enter  a  number  of  hard  passages  in 
the  river,  he  then  takes  out  a  printed  docu 
ment  and  says,  "Unless  you  sign  this  I  will 


202        CAPTAIN  ZACIIARY  G.  LAMSON 

leave  your  ship."  I  remonstrated  against 
this  arbitrary  proceeding,  telling  him  I 
should  not.  Finding  he  was  in  the  act  of 
going  away,  I  took  the  document,  one  side 
being  blank,  and  wrote  a  correct  statement 
as  regarded  safety  of  the  ship  at  Cuxhaven 
and  Glendat,  and  his  producing  the  Docu 
ment  after  running  me  into  danger,  my  two 
officers  signing  as  witness  to  my  being 
compelled  to  this  measure.  We  arrived 
at  Hamburg  at  ten  o'clock  that  evening 
and  made  fast  to  the  dolphin.  I  had  my 
cargo  landed  and  my  ship  ballasted  and 
ready  for  sea  in  about  three  weeks.  When 
ready,  to  my  surprise,  a  chain  was  put 
around  the  main  mast  of  our  vessel  and  I 
was  summoned  to  appear  before  the  Hon 
orable  Senate  of  Hamburg,  to  show  cause 
why  salvage  should  not  be  allowed  to  those 
pilots,  who  had  been  silent  until  that  mo 
ment.  I  called  on  Mr.  Forbes,  our  Consul, 
requesting  him  to  attend  the  trial  with  me 
and  to  note  the  affair. 

I  appeared  at  three  o'clock  at  the  Senate 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          203 

Chamber  where  sat  around  elderly  gentle 
men  in  black  gowns  and  white  wigs.  I  was 
immediately  called  upon  the  stand  and  was 
addressed  by  the  President  in  English, 
stating  the  demand  of  the  pilots.  I  imme 
diately  begged  the  privilege  of  making  my 
own  statement  of  facts,  as  related  to  the 
whole  circumstance  of  those  pilots  coming 
on  board,  their  conduct  on  board,  my 
agreement,  which  they  assented  to  at  the 
time,  their  imposition  afterward  which  I 
fully  made  known  to  them ;  but  the  Board 
of  Pilots,  who  took  up  the  case  in  behalf 
of  those  on  board,  were  very  rash,  and  told 
more  than  fifty  lies  and  had  not  provided 
the  document  which  I  had  written  and 
signed.  The  Senate  having  decided  in 
their  favor,  they  proposed  that  I  should 
allow  16,000  marks,  equal  to  $5,333.  I  rid 
iculed  the  idea,  and,  as  my  feelings  had 
become  wrought  to  a  high  pitch,  I  told  the 
Senate  that  Hamburg  had  become  notori 
ous  among  foreigners  for  the  imposition 
on  them  imposed  by  the  Blankanese  and 


204        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

Cuxhaven  Pilots  and  in  their  transactions 
with  me  it  was  downright  intention  of  rob 
bery,  and  in  the  act  I  did  have  my  coat 
sleeve  partly  off,  saying,  "If  you  take  my 
ship  you  shall  have  my  coat  also."  Then 
the  Senate  spoke  no  more  in  English  but 
French  to  Mr.  Forbes,  and  I  was  dismissed 
with  no  conclusion  on  the  business.  In 
three  days  I  was  summoned  again  and 
demand  of  eight  thousand  marks  was 
made.  I  then  told  the  Senate  that  I  would 
not  make  any  compromise  at  all.  I  would 
give  what  I  had  agreed  to  give  when  in  the 
river,  and  as  soon  as  the  wind  became  fair, 
so  that  any  ship  could  proceed  to  sea,  and 
I  found  my  ship  detained  under  their  or 
ders,  I  would  abandon  her  to  them,  pro 
cure  passage  for  my  crew  and  seek  redress 
from  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
I  was  dismissed  again  and  the  next  day 
summoned,  when,  in  a  pusillanimous  man 
ner,  they  asked  if  I  would  allow  three  thou 
sand  marks.  I  told  them  I  would  not  de 
viate  from  my  former  statement.  I  had 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          205 

found  that  they  had  seen  the  document  I 
had  written  and  were  convinced  that  I  had 
been  imposed  upon,  but,  as  they  had  had 
several  heavy  salvages  on  ships,  they  were 
in  hopes  to  fatten  their  pilots.  On  the  same 
evening  of  my  last  summons,  my  Broker, 
Mr.  Glasshoff,  called  on  me  and  requested 
me  to  walk  up  to  his  father's  who  was  one 
of  the  most  eminent  attorneys  in  Hamburg. 
I  went  up.  He  had  been  in  the  Senate 
unknown  to  me  and  had  heard  the  merits 
of  my  case,  and  wishing  to  promote  his 
son's  interests,  he  offered  his  services  to  me, 
saying  "  Give  me  one  hundred  dollars  and  I 
will  pay  your  pilotage  and  expenses  and 
liberate  you."  At  his  request,  I  made  a 
statement  of  my  daily  expenses  for  ship  and 
detriment  to  the  voyage,  what  my  detention 
had  been  and,  with  the  documents  he  pro 
cured  a  settlement.  I  was  cleared,  paid  my 
one  hundred  dollars  and  got  off  with  less 
expense  than  my  first  agreement  and  ob 
tained  more  credit  in  Hamburg  among 
merchants  and  Consuls  than  was  properly 


206        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

due  me,  as  I  had  some  advice  on  the  sub 
ject  from  Mr.  Pitcairn.  Shortly  a  wind 
came  and  I  proceeded  to  sea  in  company 
with  Captain  Martin  of  the  George  Wash 
ington1  for  Petersburg,  Russia.2  We  arrived 
safe,  and  laded  our  ship  with  hemp,  sail 
cloth  and  iron,  and  sailed  the  last  of  August 
for  home.  Had  a  fair  passage  till,  off  the 
nose  of  Norway,  we  sprung  the  head  of  our 
foremast. 

I  put  into  a  small  port,  Fleceroe,  where 
I  fixed  masthead  and  shrouds  and  sailed 
the  next  night.  I  found  the  people  with  lit 
tle  or  no  bread  and  the  principal  living  was 
stock-fish.  I  was  told  by  the  pilot  that 
took  me  in,  that  they  frequently  ate  dogs 

1  "  Narrative  of  trading  and  sealing  voyage  of  the 
'  Huron/   Joel  Root,  supercargo.   I  loaded  the  '  Huron ' 
at  Hamburg,  and  chartered  the  'George  Washington/ 
Capt.  Martin,  to  take  my  own  goods  to  St.  Petersburg." 
—  New  Haven  Hist.  Society  Papers,  p.  171. 

The  "  Wells  "  and  "  George  Washington  "  sailed  from 
Hamburg  July  9. 

2  "At  Petersburg,  ship  'Wells/   Lamson,   Aug.  19, 
1806."—  Salem  Gazette,  Oct.  31,  1806. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          207 

when  they  were  pushed  for  provisions. 
What  led  to  the  remark  was  one  I  had  on 
board,  which  was  very  fat  and  vicious  and 
I  offered  it  to  him,  when  he  replied,  "If  I 
take  him,  we  shall  eat  him."  He  took  him. 
What  was  his  fate  I  know  not.  We  had  a 
hard  and  tedious  passage,  constant  gales, 
and  ship  leaking  bad,  so  we  made  one  hun 
dred  and  two  days  from  Petersburg  and 
was  as  short  as  any  who  sailed  at  the  same 
time.1 

I  was  at  home  two  months  when  I  was 
ordered  to  Savannah,  where  I  loaded  with 
rice  and  cotton  for  Copenhagen  and  Rus 
sia.  I  made  an  excellent  voyage,  having 
sold  the  rice  at  eleven  cents,  the  cotton  at 
thirty-seven  and  a  half  cents  per  pound 
and  a  fair  voyage  on  my  return  cargo.  On 
the  voyage,  while  in  Russia,  I  had  an  op 
portunity  of  seeing  Alexander  the  Emperor 
on  several  occasions.  A  Russian  vessel 
returned  to  Cronstadt  from  a  voyage  of 

1  "  Ship  •  Wells,'  Lamson,  arrived,  ninety-five  days  from 
St.  Petersburg."  —  Salem  Gazette,  Nov.  20,  1806. 


208        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY   G.   LAMSON 

discovery  on  the  North  West  Coast,  and 
the  Emperor  appointed  a  certain  day  to 
visit  her  and  examine  the  various  curiosi 
ties  she  had  on  board.  I  availed  myself  of 
an  invitation  from  a  Russian  Merchant  and 
accordingly  got  a  convenient  seat  on  the 
Quarter  Deck,  where  all  the  various  Indian 
implements  of  war  and  destruction  were 
exhibited.  The  Emperor  placed  himself 
by  the  Captain  and  appeared  to  enjoy  the 
visit.  He  discoursed  with  several  of  the 
sailors,  who  were  all  paraded  in  a  line  for 
the  review.  He  appeared  at  perfect  ease 
and  unassuming.  He  was  on  board  about 
an  hour  when  he  landed  and  left  for  St. 
Petersburg,  the  men  of  war  firing  a  salute. 
I  have  had  various  other  opportunities  of 
being  in  his  presence  at  the  Marine  School 
and  at  St.  Petersburg.  His  common  dress 
is  a  colonel's  uniform  —  green  coat  and 
grey  riding  pantaloons.  He  takes  every 
means  that  will  become  popular  to  suit  the 
lower  classes  of  people.  He  has  few  at 
tendants  in  his  walks  and  no  parade;  still 


DIARY  OF   CAPTAIN  LAMSON          209 

he  knows  when  he  is  sought  after  by  for 
eigners  and  the  multitude.  From  what  I 
could  judge  of  human  nature,  I  should  say 
he  was  a  man  not  of  very  strong  mind  or 
of  great  talents,  and  as  to  his  figure,  he  is 
not  ugly  and  his  countenance  is  quite  fem 
inine.  When  I  saw  him  he  had  but  little 
beard,  and  his  whiskers  were  quite  small 
and  light  color.  The  character  of  the  Arch 
duke  Constantine  is  quite  the  reverse  of 
the  Emperor.  Constantine  is  a  bold,  rash 
head,  a  strong  violent  man.  He  is  a  very 
fine  figure,  nearly  seven  feet  tall  and  wears 
a  large  cocked  hat  with  a  high  red  feather, 
so  that  when  you  meet  him  walking,  he 
looms  up  over  his  attendants  as  a  minister 
in  his  pulpit  over  his  hearers.  He  is  fond 
of  great  show,  and  all  in  the  street  must 
give  way  to  his  Dukeship  and  it  is  a  farce 
to  see  the  confusion  and  clearing  of  the 
sidewalk  on  his  approach,  such  as  the  poor 
women  who  sell  fruit,  sitting  in  the  street; 
if  they  never  stir,  the  guards  upset  their 
establishment  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  mul 
titude  who  follow  or  look  on. 


210       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY   G.   LAMSON 

The  many  forms  of  respect  which  are 
paid  the  Russian  Nobility  and  Gentlemen 
and  their  Military  and  Naval  Officers, 
would  hardly  be  accredited  by  any  one  who 
lives  aloof  from  despotic  governments  and 
such,  as  I  hope,  we  shall  never  see.  As  re 
gards  the  City  of  St.  Petersburg,  none  in 
Europe  is  to  be  compared  to  it  for  the  regu 
larity  of  the  buildings  and  their  spacious 
streets  and  fine  light  structure  of  their 
houses.  The  iron  bridges,  connecting  the 
whole  city  on  a  base  of  seven  islands,  are 
neat  and  fine  specimens  of  architecture  and 
genius.  Their  marble  Church  is  an  elegant 
and  costly  building. 

Peter  the  Great,  mounted  on  a  horse, 
erected  in  bronze,  and  elevated  on  a  large 
rock  enclosed  in  the  same  square  with  an 
iron  railing,  has  a  noble  appearance  and 
the  singularity  of  the  monument  is,  the  rock 
weighs  several  hundred  tons  and  was  trans 
ported  from  the  battle  ground  on  which 
his  army  gained  a  great  victory  over  the 
Swedes.  He  was  on  this  rock  in  the  night 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          211 

of  the  battle,  giving  his  orders,  on  account 
of  which  it  was  transported  to  St.  Peters 
burg.  It  is  now  not  one  half  of  its  former 
weight  owing  to  cutting  into  a  form  to 
ornament  the  Square. 

Cronstadt,  the  mole  or  port  our  ship  lay 
in,  is  about  thirty  miles  from  St.  Peters 
burg.  Our  custom  is  to  enter  at  Cronstadt, 
deliver  our  cargo  on  a  lighter  and  send  it 
to  St.  Petersburg,  the  lighter  returning  from 
there  with  our  return  cargo.  We  cross  on  a 
ferry  boat  to  Baenboom  or  take  a  drosky, 
a  small  four-wheeled  carriage  with  a  kind  of 
seat  like  a  cushion  on  which  we  sit  astride. 
They  are  drawn  by  two  or  three  horses 
abreast,  and  they  travel  at  a  rate  of  ten  or 
twelve  miles  an  hour,  and  kicking  up  such 
a  dust  you  can  hardly  see  before  you.  I 
have  been  completely  covered  with  it  to 
the  spoiling  of  clothes.  In  regard  to  Co 
penhagen,  Denmark,  I  can  say  but  "little  of 
it  as  a  place  of  any  great  beauty.  There 
are  some  large  and  spacious  buildings  and 
it  has  had  a  great  commerce,  but  it  is  now 


212       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

very  much  limited  owing  to  the  wars  in 
Europe.  Elsinore  and  Gottenburg,  which 
are  near,  have  but  little  interest  to  attract 
the  observation  of  a  stranger.  Elsinore 
commands  the  passage  up  the  Sound  on  the 
Danish  side  and  Helsingborg  on  the  Swed 
ish  side.  Gottenburg  is  a  depot  for  the  in 
troduction  of  goods  for  all  parts  of  Sweden. 
The  people  are  famous  for  their  hospitality 
to  strangers  who  conduct  themselves  with 
propriety.  I  can  attest  to  that  myself. 
When  I  was  only  mate  of  a  ship  I  received 
the  politest  attention  from  some  of  the  first 
characters  in  the  city,  and  that  without  any 
introduction  of  my  Captain,  who  rather 
envied  it.  To  return  to  employment  with 
the  ship.  Having  laid  at  home  some  time 
Mr.  Grey  ordered  me  to  purchase  about 
three  thousand  quintals  of  fish,  and  fill  up 
with  coffee  and  sugar  and  proceed  to  Ali 
cante  and  a  market  in  the  Mediterranean.1 

1  "  Ship  '  Wells/  Lamson,  cleared  from  Salem  for  Ali 
cante."  —  Salem  Gazette,  Dec.  4,  1807.      Ten  days  be- 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          213 

I  consequently  made  all  dispatch  and  com 
pleted  my  lading  and  sailed  about  the 
fourth  of  December,  1807,  having  fine  wind. 
I  passed  Gibraltar  in  twenty-five  days,  and 
on  the  next  day  spoke  Captain  John  Hoi- 
man  of  Salem,  and  Captain  Ross  of  New- 
buryport;  both  told  me  that  their  papers 
were  indorsed  by  the  English  cruisers  then 
cruising  off  Cape  Palos. 

I  immediately  obtained  all  the  informa 
tion  from  them  I  could,  how  the  English 
vessels  cruised,  what  time  they  were  off 
Alicante  and  what  time  they  stood  off.  As 
Captains  Holman  and  Ross's  accounts 
agreed,  although  several  hours'  difference 
in  my  speaking  them,  I  thought  I  would 
evade  them.  I  had  a  strong  wind,  and  by 
carrying  sail  I  could  reach  Alicante  by  day 
light,  at  the  time  I  supposed  the  Cruiser 
would  be  off  Majorca.  I  consequently 
made  all  sail  at  midnight.  I  went  around 
Cape  de  Palos  within  pistol  shot,  blowing 

fore  the  Non-importation  Bill  went  into  effect  and  eighteen 
days  before  the  embargo. 


214        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

hard,  and  at  daylight  was  within  eight  or 
nine  miles  of  Alicante,  when  the  wind 
veered  off  shore,  and  directly  I  saw  a  Frig 
ate  and  Brig,  men  of  war,  under  my  lee. 
I  tacked  ship  and  stood  toward  Cape  Palos 
again  in  hopes  they  would  not  notice  me, 
but  directly  the  brig  made  all  sail  in  pur 
suit,  and  by  nine  A.  M.  was  alongside  and 
sent  his  boat  on  board.  She  was  the  Grass 
hopper,1  Captain  Searle.  He  informed 
me  that  every  port  in  the  Mediterranean 
was  under  blockade  and  I  must  proceed 
to  Gibraltar,  Malta  or  England.2  Under 
these  circumstances  I  went  on  board  the 
Brig  and  stated  to  Captain  Searle  that  my 
cargo  was  of  a  perishable  nature,  and  as 
such  was  not  included  as  coming  from  an 
enemy's  port.  I  requested  that  he  would 
endorse  on  my  papers  a  privilege  of  pro- 

1  "Grasshopper,"  12,  Commander,  afterwards  Rear 
Admiral  Thomas  Searles. 

2  That  is,  to  some  English  port.  Orders  in  Council  of 
Nov.  11, 1807,  no  trade  with  the  Continent  except  through 
English  ports. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          215 

ceeding.  Then  he  stated  that  his  orders 
were  positive,  and  as  a  gentleman,  know 
ing  the  rascality  of  the  British  Government, 
he  politely  showed  me  his  printed  orders. 
I  could  do  no  more.  The  wind  came  to 
the  eastward.  In  two  days  I  was  back  to 
Gibraltar,  where  I  found  about  fifty  sail  of 
my  countrymen  in  the  same  anxious  state. 
I  applied  to  the  Judge  of  the  Board  of 
Admiralty  for  a  license  to  proceed  to  Sicily, 
and  I  obtained  it  and  was  getting  ready  to 
go  aboard,  having  sold  my  sugar  and  coffee 
and  landed  it. 

A  few  days  before  I  was  ready  to  sail  a 
terrible  gale1  blew  from  the  East,  and,  as 
the  Bay  was  full  of  vessels,  the  destruction 
was  horrible  to  lives  and  property.  No  less 

1  "Arrived  ship  'Rachel'  from  Gibralter.  The  late 
gale  was  said  to  be  almost  the  severest  ever  known  there. 
The  'Mary'  of  Boston,  the  'Two  Brothers/  the  'Mi 
nerva'  and  three  others  were  stranded.  The  'Venus'  of 
New  York  and  the  '  Wells '  of  Salem  were  driven  to  sea. 
At  Algesiras  thirty-six  vessels  were  driven  ashore."  — 
Salem  Gazette,  March  31,  1808. 


216        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

than  forty  sail  were  lost,  sunk,  upset,  driven 
ashore  and  foundered  at  sea.  I  rode  out 
the  gale  two  days  when  one  cable  parted 
and  we  were  obliged  to  cut  the  other.  I 
went  to  sea  and  lay  all  night  under  mizzen 
staysail  in  the  Gut.  At  daybreak  finding 
myself  close  on  Tarriffa  shoals  and  blowing 
a  hurricane,  I  loosed  the  yard  arm  of  my 
foretopsails  and  wore,  about  a  pistol  shot 
from  the  breakers.  As  myself  and  crew 
were  nearly  exhausted,  my  lower  rigging 
one  half  cut  away  and  no  anchor,  I  put  up 
my  helm  and  ran  out  the  straits  and  luffed 
round  Cape  Spartel,  laid  to  under  short 
sail  and  put  the  ship  to  rights.  In  two  days 
the  gale  subsided  and  the  wind  came  to  the 
West.  I  made  all  sail.  An  English  seventy- 
four  which  was  abeam  of  me  and  bound  to 
the  straits,  and  which  I  came  within  mus 
ket  shot  of  and  which  I  made  signals  of  dis 
tress  to,  would  take  no  notice  of  us.  Know 
ing  now  my  risk  of  the  Algesiras  privateers, 
I  immediately  hauled  into  Tangiers  roads, 
and  lay  my  ship  to,  till  three  o'clock  in  the 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          217 

afternoon.  It  appeared  they  had  signaled 
us  on  the  opposite  side,  so  that  at  three, 
when  I  made  sail,  I  could  number  eleven 
privateers  watching  for  us ;  nine  were  small 
and  two  were  large.  I  called  my  officers 
and  men  and  told  them  our  fate,  and  that 
our  only  chance  was  to  prevent  our  yards 
and  booms  with  braces,  and  carry  sail  and 
take  our  chances,  not  minding  their  shots. 
We  out  all  sail  and,  blowing  heavy,  she 
troubled  the  watch  and  the  man  at  the  helm 
a  great  deal.  Very  shortly  two  of  them  were 
alongside  within  hail,  firing  and  hullooing. 
I  took  no  notice  of  them  and  in  a  few  mo 
ments  nine  of  them  fell  astern,  all  firing 
when  they  could.  Our  prospect  now  looked 
fair  and,  when  in  an  hour  I  expected  to  be 
clear,  what  was  my  mortification  to  find 
the  wind  die  and  my  rate  of  going  reduced 
to  about  five  knots.  The  two  large  priva 
teers  were  ahead  and  prepared  for  me,  and 
so  uneasy  when  they  thought  that  I  should 
pass  them,  that  they  placed  themselves  on 
each  bow  and  boarded  me  all  standing, 


218       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

with  grapplings,  and  broke  off  my  fore  and 
main  yards  in  the  slings.  In  one  minute 
one  hundred  were  on  board.  I  ordered  all 
my  men  below  as  they  boarded  and  threw 
myself  into  the  cabin  till  the  first  onset  was 
over,  but  in  a  moment  my  cabin  was  filled 
with  as  motley  a  set  of  villains  as  ever 
manned  a  vessel.  Such  was  the  confusion 
with  pistols  at  my  head  and  cutlasses  wav 
ing  and  threatening  instant  death  if  I  did 
not  give  up  my  papers.  I  told  them  when 
they  got  my  vessel  in,  the  proper  authorities 
should  have  them.  Finding  them  savage, 
I  told  them  if  there  was  a  Captain  of  any 
of  the  privateers  among  them  who  would 
clear  the  cabin,  and  sit  down  and  give  me 
a  receipt  for  my  papers,  I  would  deliver 
them,  consequently  one  of  the  New  Orleans 
Creoles  said  he  was  Captain,  and  cleared 
the  cabin.  I  gave  him  a  few  of  the  papers 
and  took  his  receipt.  They  towed  the  ship 
into  Algesiras l  and  secured  her  at  anchor, 

1  "  Reported  at  Algesiras,  ship  'Wells'  of  Salem,  Feb. 
20."—  Salem  Gazette,  April  5,  1808. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         219 

where  I  found  many  in  the  same  situation. 
I  remained  quiet  till  such  a  time  as  my  fish 
began  to  perish,  when  I  applied  to  the  Gov 
ernment  for  liberty  to  sell  my  cargo  and 
deposit  the  proceeds  in  an  independant 
person's  hands  till  we  knew  the  result  of 
the  Court.  At  this  time  Bonaparte  l  was  in 
Madrid,  the  Spaniards  had  no  govern 
ment,  and  the  government  at  Madrid  was 
not  organized.  Our  case  was  suspended, 
and  in  a  few  days  the  French  had  to  fly 
Madrid,  a  Cortes  insurrection  broke  out, 
and  tribunal  after  tribunal  was  created, 
one  acquitting  and  one  condemning  and  in 
fact  no  positive  decision  could  take  place. 
I  consented  to  compromise  with  the  cap 
tors.2  I  wrote  R.  M.  Meade  of  Cadiz  to 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte,  appointed  by  Napoleon,  King  of 
Spain  and  the  Indies,  June  15,  1808.   Obliged  to  evacu 
ate  Madrid,  Aug.  1,  1808.    French  reentered  Madrid, 
Dec  3,  1808. 

2  "  Vessels  detained  and  condemned  at  Algesiras  since 
Jan.  30,  1808,  'Wells,*  Lamson  and  many  others." — 
Salem  Gazette,  Sept.  27,  1808.     Condemned  under  the 
Milan  Decree  of  Dec.  16,  1807. 


220        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

know  whether  he  would  be  surety  for  my 
bond  for  ship  and  balance  of  cargo.  He 
complied  and  I  closed  with  the  captors  at 
the  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars.  I  im 
mediately  went  on  by  land  to  Cadiz,  saw 
Mr.  Meade  and  settled  to  his  satisfaction, 
and  returned  to  Algesiras  when  I  shipped 
my  crew  and  proceeded  to  Alicante.  On 
my  arrival  I  wrote  to  Messrs.  Brice,  Tup- 
per  &  Co.  having  found  that  they  had  re 
mitted  a  sum  of  money  to  England  which 
I  was  to  have  drawn  from  them  when  I 
left  home,  but  being  detained  nine  months 
they  had  disposed  of  it.  Freight  being 
high,  I  had  concluded  with  Messrs.  Bush- 
nell  &  Co.  to  take  a  freight  for  them  to 
Dublin  in  case  I  found  no  funds  in  Va 
lencia.  During  three  days  I  waited  for  my 
answer.  I  was,  through  the  politeness  of 
Mr.  Bushnell,  introduced  into  the  castle 
on  the  hill,  which  is  noted  for  its  uncom 
mon  defense  made  by  the  English  a  num 
ber  of  years  ago.  As  the  rock  is  of  soft 
substance,  something  like  Portland  stone, 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          221 

it  is  easy  to  excavate.  The  Spaniards  had 
begun  to  mine  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  and 
had  excavated  a  large  place  nearly  per 
pendicular  with  the  center  of  the  fort,  and, 
having  placed  in  it  a  large  quantity  of 
powder,  they  sprung  the  mine,  and  singu 
lar  as  it  may  appear,  the  eruption  sev 
ered  half  the  hill,  destroying  most  of  the 
garrison.  From  the  hill  you  have  a  fine 
view  of  the  country  and  of  the  bay  of  Ali 
cante.  On  the  return  of  post  I  commenced 
lading  for  Dublin  and  in  six  days  I  sailed. 
In  eight  days  I  was  in  Gibraltar  and  pro 
ceeded  in  my  boat  for  Algesiras  where  I 
found  my  companions  still  detained.  Cap 
tain  Foster  of  Boston  and  some  others  were 
adopting  the  mode  I  took,  bonding  their 
vessels.  Mr.  R.  Meade  had  intimated  to 
Captain  Foster  that  I  was  headstrong  in 
my  business,  and  he  hoped  he  would  not 
pursue  the  plan  I  had.  But  when  Mr. 
Meade  had  heard,  by  my  letters  to  him 
overland,  of  the  high  freights  I  had  ob 
tained,  he  wrote  me  by  wray  of  Algeciras, 


222       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

which  letters  I  took  up  on  my  arrival,  and 
complimented  me  highly  on  my  success  and 
said  a  great  deal  of  my  judgement.  As  I 
had  on  the  same  day  seen  Captain  Foster's 
letter,  which  Meade  wrote  him  of  me,  I  felt 
no  way  pleased  with  him.  I  wrote  him  on 
my  business,  and  that  very  brief,  and  left 
that  night  for  Gibraltar.  Having  a  wind 
the  next  day,  I  sailed  for  Dublin  and  after 
a  short  passage  of  thirteen  days  I  arrived. 
We  had  a  severe  snow  storm  two  days  be 
fore  I  arrived  in  the  Irish  channel.  We  dis 
charged  part  of  our  cargo  in  Dublin  and 
proceeded  to  Newry.  We  anchored  our 
ship  at  Warin's  point  and  discharged  in 
lighters  which  took  the  cargo  to  Newry 
about  four  miles.  I  was  much  surprised  at 
the  poverty  of  the  lower  orders  of  Irish  in 
that  quarter.  I  walked  to  Newry  repeatedly 
and  visited  their  hovels  on  the  road,  from 
curiosity  to  observe  their  mode  of  living, 
which  was  this.  Their  hut  had  one  room 
only  on  the  floor,  and  one  side  was  occu 
pied  with  a  pig  and  cow  if  they  had  one, 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          223 

the  other  was  occupied  with  the  family  ly 
ing  on  straw  for  their  beds.  The  only  food 
was  potatoes  and  those  boiled  with  one 
or  two  herring,  if  they  could  get  them,  and 
yet  their  children,  half  clothed  and  bare 
footed,  looked  rosy  and  rugged.  It  was 
truly  affecting  to  hear  their  women  relate 
their  hardships.  I  generally  gave  them  a 
trifle  in  money  which  seemed  to  overcome 
them  in  expressing  their  gratitude. 

While  lying  at  Newry  I  was  offered  a  very 
high  freight  to  go  to  Archangel  with  a  great 
profit  to  myself.  I  was  on  the  eve  of  con 
cluding  when  I  wrote  Messrs.  Bainbridge 
&  Brown  for  their  advice.  I  proposed  to 
them  the  same  voyage,  making  use  of  Mr. 
Grey's  funds  in  thdr  hands.  But  Mr. 
Story  of  Boston  being  in  Liverpool1  with 
an  investment  of  goods  of  $140,000  pro- 

1  "  On  April  28,  1808,  there  was  not  in  Liverpool  a 
vessel  from  Boston  or  New  York.  Those  who  have  any 
thing  to  do  with  freight  or  charter  are  absolutely  insolent 
in  their  demands,  £2000  for  a  ship  of  199  tons  to  Lisbon 
and  back."  —  New  York  Evening  Post,  June  28,  1808. 


224        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY   G.   LAMSON 

perty  of  Mr.  Grey,  and,  since,  owing  to  the 
long  embargo1  no  American  vessel  was  in 
England  which  could  take  his  goods,  and 
since  shipping  on  an  English  vessel  would 
subject  his  vessel  to  ten  per  cent  extra  as 
well  as  a  high  freight,  consequently,  he 
wrote  me  to  come  to  Liverpool  and  take 
Story's  goods.  I  immediately  ballasted  and 
sailed  for  Liverpool,2  and  repairing  my 
ship  in  the  dry  dock,  took  the  cargo  and 
filled  up  with  salt  and  crates,  and  took 
twelve  passengers  at  the  rate  of  thirty 
guineas  a  head.  We  sailed  and  arrived  in 
Boston3  in  forty-seven  days,  say  about  the 
4th  of  June,  and  lay  till  the  10th 4  before 

1  Embargo  passed  Dec.  22,  1807,  no  United  States 
vessel  allowed  to  leave  port  without  giving  bond  that  her 
cargo  would  be  landed  in  the  United  States.  Lasted  until 
March,  1809. 

2  "  At  Liverpool,  April  12,  ship  'Wells,'  Lamson,  for 
Boston  in  six  days."  -—  Columbian  Centinel,  May  31, 
1809. 

3  "Arrived  ship  'Wells, 'Lamson,  forty-seven  days.  To 
William  Gray.  Dry  goods,  salt  and  coals.    Passenger, 
Mr.  Story."—  Columbian  Centinel,  June  5,  1809. 

4  On  the  nineteenth  of  April,  the  Non-intercourse  Act 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          225 

we  came  to  an  entry,  as  no  vessel  from 
England  was  permitted  to  enter  until  that 
period.  We  docked  at  Charlestown  and 
hauled  up  the  ship.  We  lay  quiet  about 
two  months  when  we  loaded  the  ship  for 
St.  Sebastian1  with  cotton,  sugar,  indigo 
and  logwood.  I  had  a  fine  passage  of 
twenty-seven  days  out.  Off  Cape  Antonio 
near  Bilboa  I  was  chased  by  a  British 
Frigate.  Being  near  night,  I  got  clear  in  a 
squall  by  wearing  the  ship,  and  next  day 
I  entered  St.  Sebastian  blowing  a  gale  of 
wind.  I  lay  four  days  in  quarantine  and 
got  a  clean  bill  of  health  and  hauled  into 
the  mole.  The  place  was  occupied  by 
French  troops  and  had  a  French  govern 
ment.  The  second  day  after  I  entered  the 
mole  it  was  hinted  to  me  by  Richard  Bir- 

was  suspended  by  proclamation  of  the  President,  so  far 
as  it  related  to  England.  June  10  was  the  date  set  when 
vessels  from  England  might  enter. 

1  Capt.  Lamson  has  made  a  mistake  here.  He  must 
have  sailed  for  St.  Sebastian  in  August,  1810,  and  not 
1809,  as  shown  by  extracts  from  papers  quoted  below. 


226        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

mingham,  my  merchant,  that  the  American 
property  was  in  jeopardy.  I,  consequently, 
with  Augustus  Aspinwall  made  an  arrange 
ment  with  the  house  of  De  Taslet  &  Co. 
to  cover  our  property  by  a  fictitious  sale, 
which  they  did  at  three  per  cent  on  the 
property  saved.  I  immediately  began  dis 
charging,  though  raining  and  blowing  hard, 
to  the  astonishment  of  all  the  Americans 
there,  and  had  got  one  half  of  my  cargo  on 
shore  when  every  vessel  and  cargo  the  next 
day  was  sequestered  by  order  of  Napoleon,1 
and  guards  placed  on  board  all  our  ves 
sels.2  I  saved  one  fourth  of  my  adventure, 
which  netted  me  $1900.3  As  the  orders  in 

1  Confiscated  under  the  Rambouillet  Decree  of  March 
23,  1810,  not  published  until  May  14,  1810. 

2  "French  paper  of  Nov.  27  states,  advertised  to  be 
sold  on  Dec.  15, 1810  at  Bayonne,  the  '  Wells'  and  many 
others.    The  *  Wells '  is  owned  by  his  honor  Lt.  Gov. 
Gray."—  Columbian  Centinel,  Jan.  19,  1811. 

3  "  What  magnanimity  and  loving  proof  of  French 
kindness.    Ship  '  Wells,'  bought  by  a  carpenter  for  sake 
of  her  spars,  brought  4500  francs,  one  thousand  dollars ; 
Owned  by  Hon.  William  Gray  of  Boston.  It  appears  that 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          227 

Council  were  enforced,  I  availed  myself  of 
sending  shipments  by  fast  sailing  schooners 
to  New  York,  which  all  arrived  safe  and 
paid  me  a  handsome  profit.  I  remained  in 

when  the  American  vessels  were  sold  by  order  of  Bona 
parte,  the  French  privateers  and  merchants  bought  all 
that  would  sail  fast,  or  might  serve  for  coasting  trade, 
after  the  Emperor  himself  had  taken  without  form  of 
sale,  such  as  were  best  fitted  for  cruisers.  The  residue 
not  being  wanted  by  the  Master  or  his  servants  were 
politely  left  for  American  bidders." — Columbian  Centinel., 
Feb.,29,  1811. 

The  Federalist  papers  had  evidently  not  forgiven  Mr. 
William  Gray  for  his  desertion  of  their  party. 

Capt.  Lamson  made  a  claim  on  the  French  Govern 
ment  for  the  loss  of  his  adventure  on  the  "Wells." 

The  profits  as  well  as  the  dangers  attending  trade  at 
this  time  are  shown  by  the  prices  the  goods  sold  for  in 
France  as  compared  with  then*  original  cost.  Cotton 
costing  fifteen  cents  in  America  sold  at  auction  in  France 
at  one  dollar  a  pound.  Rum  bought  in  America  at  sixty- 
seven  cents  a  gallon,  brought  three  dollars  a  gallon  in 
France.  The  whole  adventure,  which  stood  Capt.  Lam- 
son  as  landed  in  France  $1258,  including  freight  and 
insurance,  sold  at  $4218  at  the  auction  held  by  order  of 
the  court.  The  danger  of  the  trade  is  shown  by  the  in 
surance,  which  was  twenty  per  cent. 

(Captain  Lamson,  Private  Papers.) 


228        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

France  and  Spain  from  December  12th, 
1810  until  February,  1811,  when  I  closed 
my  business  and  embarked  on  the  ship 
Commodore  Rogers,  Captain  Shaler,  for 
New  York,  and,  after  a  disagreeable  pas 
sage  of  forty-four  days,  we  arrived  in  New 
York  where  I  remained  a  few  days  and 
went  home  to  Beverly.1  I  remained  at 
home  a  few  weeks  and,  as  Mr.  Gray  had 
no  ship  at  that  moment,  I  took  charge  of 
the  schooner  Angler 2  for  Messrs.  Leach, 
Stephen  Thorndike  &  Kilham  and  made 
a  good  voyage  for  them  to  Archangel,  gone 
about  four  months.8 

1  "  Ship  '  Commodore  Rogers/  Shaler,  forty-one  days 
from  Bayonne,  arrived  in  New  York.   Passenger  Z.  G. 
Lamson  and  thirty  American  sea  men  from  condemned 
vessels.  Dec.  15,  at  Bayonne  took  place  the  sale  of  nine 
teen  American  vessels,  the  *  Wells '  and  eighteen  others. 
Total    sale    realized    $50,900."  —  Columbian    Centinel, 
Feb.  16,  1811. 

2  Schooner  "Angler,"  96  tons,  built  in  1803.    Owned 
by  Thomas  Stevens,  William  Leach  and  Abraham  Kil 
ham  of  Beverly. 

8  **  To-day  cleared  schooner  *  Angler,'   Lamson,  for 
Archangel."—  Salem  Gazette,  May  3,  1811. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         229 

Archangel  at  that  time  was  the  only  free 
port  in  Russia.  The  difficulty  with  the 
continental  powers  in  regard  to  the  passage 
of  Elsinore  made  it  unsafe  to  pass  that  way 
for  St.  Petersburg.  The  produce  at  Arch 
angel  was  transported  to  Moscow  for  sale ; 
and  the  fire  at  Moscow  our  merchants  too 
well  remembered  who  had  their  goods 
shipped  there,  as  it  was  a  total  loss  to  many. 
Fortunately  I  closed  my  voyage  and  was 
almost  the  only  one  who  got  away  with  their 
funds. 

Archangel  was  a  busy  place  at  that  time 
and  by  having  an  army  of  ten  thousand 
men  stationed  there  they  kept  the  place 
quite  lively.  The  disposition  of  the  mer 
chants  was  to  enjoy  themselves,  so  that  with 
some,  the  day  and  night  was  hardly  dis 
tinguishable.  I  was  quite  tired  of  the  place, 
being  all  the  time  employed,  and,  it  being 
all  daylight  I  had  but  little  sleep  and  till  I 
doubled  the  North  Cape  and  got  to  the 
South  and  West,  I  did  not  feel  myself  in 
my  proper  element.  I  had  about  a  seventy 


230       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

days  passage  home  where  we  arrived  safe 
in  October,  1811,  and  discharged  the  ves 
sel.1  As  Mr.  Grey  still  was  willing,  I  took 
charge  of  the  Sally2  belonging  to  the  same 
owners,  and  proceeded  to  Corunna.3  I 
had  a  cargo  of  pepper,  fish  and  sundries. 
I  sold  about  $10,000  worth  at  Corunna  and 
proceeded  to  Gibraltar,  where  I  could  not 
sell.  I  proceeded  next  to  Palma  on  the 
Island  of  Majorica.  There  after  a  long 
time,  say  ten  days,  I  sold  the  cargo  to 
a  Swedish  house  who  likewise  employed 
my  vessel  to  take  it  to  Alicante.  I  loaded 
my  vessel  with  wine  and  fruit,  and  took  my 
pepper  on  deck  to  Alicante  and  obtained 
about  $1500  for  the  job,  which  was  no  in 
convenience  to  my  voyage.  I  sailed  from 

1  "Yesterday  arrived  in  Beverly,  schooner   'Angler,' 
Lamson.     Long  passage  from  'Archangle.'" — Salem 
Gazette,  Oct.  25,  1811. 

2  Schooner  "Sally,"  73  tons,  built  in  1798, registered  in 
1811  as  owned  by  Thomas  Stevens,  Nicholas  Thorndike, 
William  Leach  and  Abraham  Kilham. 

3  "  Cleared  *  Sally/  Lamson,  for  Corunna. "  —  Salem 
Gazette,  Dec.  13,  1811. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         231 

Alicante  for  Gibraltar,  and  off  Almeria 
near  Cape  de  Gata,  during  a  calm,  two 
French  Privateers  rowed  up  alongside,  but 
a  display  of  hats  on  hand  spikes  and  sticks, 
and  pointing  seven  guns  on  a  side  during 
the  time  they  were  coming,  scared  them 
off.  We  sat  our  pennant,  and  out  all  light 
sails  and  chased  them,  with  a  light  breeze 
which  sprung  up  about  then.  I  was  so  sure 
I  was  gone  that  I  had  distributed  all  my 
money  in  gold  among  my  crew  to  secure 
around  their  bodies. 

Just  as  I  was  giving  up  chase  a  frigate 
hove  in  sight,  and  as  we  sailed  quick  I 
availed  myself  of  her  convoy  in,  and  ar 
rived  in  Gibraltar  but  a  few  hours  after 
her,  where  I  found  another  schooner  of  my 
owner  with  a  similar  cargo,  but  making  a 
miserable  voyage.  I  took  on  board  the 
spices  I  left  with  Horatio  Sprague,  Esquire, 
and  proceeded  home  and  a  few  days  out, 
in  Longitude  14  West,  at  daylight  in  the 
morning,  I  think  about  the  tenth  of  May,  I 
was  close  on  board  a  French  squadron,  two 


232        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

frigates  and  a  corvette.1  I  was  boarded  and 
ordered  on  board.  After  an  examination 
I  was  ordered  to  take  my  things  on  board 
that  they  might  sink  my  vessel.  I  repaired 
on  board,  took  my  money  and  things  in 
part.  The  Lieutenant  on  board  had  stolen 
my  watch,  and  my  mate,  Edward  Chap- 

1  "Capt.  Mather  of  the  ship  *  Active'  reports  that  the 
ship  'Mercury'  and  the  brigs  'Pazzo'  and  'Happy 
Couple'  were  taken  and  burned  by  a  French  squadron, 
May  3.  He  was  boarded  by  the  same  squadron,  com 
manded  by  Commodore  Feretier,  detained  sixteen  hours 
and  had  put  aboard  of  him  seventeen  seamen,  the  crews  of 
the  vessels  burned.  May  6,  latitude  35-30  saw  the  wreck 
of  the  schooner  'Sally'  from  Majorca,  which  they  had 
scuttled  May  2."—  Salem  Gazette,  June  19,  1812. 

"On  the  ninth  of  Jan.  1812  the  two  French  40  gun 
frigates  'Arienne'  and  'Andromaque'  and  the  16  gun 
brig  'Mamelouke'  under  orders  of  Commodore  Martin 
le  Feretier,  sailed  from  France  on  a  cruise.  The  French 
frigates  soon  commenced  their  depredations  on  com 
merce,  plundering  and  destroying  not  only  English  ves 
sels,  but  those  of  Spain,  Portugal  and  the  United  States. 
The  74  gun  ship  'Northumberland,'  Capt.  Hotham,was 
sent  in  pursuit  and  on  May  22, 1812,  intercepted  them  on 
their  return  to  Nantes  and  drove  them  ashore  where  they 
were  destroyed."  —  JAMES,  Naval  History,  vol.  vi,  p.  48. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         233 

man,  who  was  a  worthy  man,  took  out  of  his 
pocket  my  spy-glass  he  had  stolen,  —  so 
my  mate  informed  me.  I  saw  on  board  the 
Frigate,  my  own  liquors,  wines  and  fruit 
drank  by  those  French  officers  and  not 
one  of  the  many  American  officers  could 
obtain  the  least  favor  on  board.  The  Com 
modore,  who  was  a  dirty  fellow  and  a  great 
sloven,  promised  me  on  his  word  of  honor 
to  restore  me  my  money  and  give  me  the 
first  vessel  he  captured,  to  take  me  home 
with  many  of  my  countrymen  he  had 
on  board.  As  an  especial  favor,  Robert 
Blair  of  Philadelphia  and  myself,  were 
the  only  Americans  who  lived  aft.  He  took 
three  vessels  but  always  refused  to  let  me 
go,  until  I  refused  to  ask  him,  and  indeed, 
I  gave  up  any  idea  of  going  until,  just  be 
fore  he  got  off  Cape  Catigat,  he  captured 
a  Merchant1  English  vessel  and  sent  me 

1  "They  [the  squadron  of  Feretier]  had  destroyed 
thirty-six  vessels,  taking  the  most  valuable  part  of  their 
cargoes  and  one  vessel  they  sent  as  a  cartel  to  England 
with  about  two  hundred  prisoners." — Naval  Chronicles, 
1812,  p.  310.  Extract  from  report  of  Capt.  Hotham. 


234        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

on  board  with  one  hundred  and  forty  Eng 
lishmen  who  were  prisoners  he  had  taken. 
He  refused  me  my  money  and  everything 
I  asked  him.  After  I  went  on  board  the 
Cartel  I  sat  down  and  wrote  him  a  letter, 
in  as  polite  terms  as  I  was  able,  stating  his 
pledged  honor  and  the  pleasure  he  must 
have  in  reflecting  that  he  had  turned  me 
afloat  without  a  dollar,  and  he  holding  il 
legally  $1500  of  my  own,  which  my  ac 
counts  showed  as  mine.  He,  on  receipt  of 
this,  sent  me  in  a  pitiful  manner  $200. 
One  thing,  —  about  a  week  after  I  was 
taken,  I  recovered  my  spy-glass,  although 
ruined  by  the  robbery  of  the  principal  glass. 
In  fact,  the  most  that  could  be  said  of  the 
flying  French  squadron,  is  that  they  were 
composed  of  as  great  a  set  of  blackguards 
and  dirty  fellows  as  ever  could  get  on  board 
a  ship.  That  relates  to  the  Commodore's 
ship  and  he  was  a  disgrace  to  the  French 
Navy.  I  understood  that  on  his  losing  all 
his  ships  off  Nantes,  because  he  was  chased 
by  an  English  seventy-four,  that  he  was 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         235 

sentenced  to  death,  but  his  life  was  given 
him  finally  by  Napoleon.  The  treatment 
Americans  received  on  board  was  horrible. 
Three  masters  and  five  men  died,  owing  to 
the  rough  treatment,  and  no  reasons  as 
signed  by  those  rough  villains.  On  leaving 
the  squadron  next  day,  we  fell  in  with  two 
English  frigates  who  impressed  from  the 
Cartel  about  twenty  of  our  seamen  and 
went,  as  they  said,  in  pursuit  of  the  French 
ships.  I  arrived  in  England,  and  four  days 
afterwards  I  was  in  Plymouth,  quite  un 
well  from  what  I  had  suffered  on  board 
those  ships.  After  I  had  recruited,  I  em 
barked  on  board  the  ship  Acasta  of  New 
Bedford,  Captain  Lewis,  and  sailed  from 
Plymouth  for  Boston,  and  off  Grand  Bank 
Captain  Lewis  pulled  up  a  hogshead  of  rum. 
He  gave  his  mate  a  ten  gallon  keg  and  on  the 
same  night,  he  having  fifty  sailors  between 
decks,  they  stole  it  from  the  mate.  The 
next  day  a  general  search  was  made  but  it 
could  not  be  found  on  board.  Two  nights 
afterwards,  about  midnight,  the  cry  of 


236       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

murder  was  heard  between  decks.  We 
passengers  were  between  decks  and  such  a 
scene  we  do  not  often  see  as  her  decks  pre 
sented.  As  many  as  six  or  eight  couples 
were  fighting  between  decks  and  it  ap 
peared  that  they  were  killing  each  other 
below  with  knives.  I  advised  Captain 
Lewis  to  draw  a  rope  across  the  deck  by 
the  mainmast  and  threaten  death  to  any 
one  who  came  abaft.  We  all  agreed  to  sup 
port  him  and  by  adopting  this  course  we 
kept  the  quarter  deck  clear,  and  by  day 
light  we  discovered  a  large  sail  which  we 
took  to  be  a  man  of  war.  I  advised  speak 
ing  her  and  putting  the  principals  on  board. 
At  ten  A.  M.  spoke  her  and  to  our  astonish 
ment,  we  were  informed  of  the  American 
government's  declaring  war,1  and  we  were 
a  prize  to  her.  She  proved  to  be  the  Eng 
lish  fifty  gun  ship  Antelope  commanded  by 
Captain  Carpenter,  bearing  Admiral  Duck 
worths  flag.2  I  was  detained  on  board  the 

1  War  declared  June  18,  1812. 

2  Admiral  Sir  John  Duckworth,  best  known  for  his 
rather  inglorious  passage  of  the  Dardanelles  in  1807. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         237 

ship,  where  my  treatment  was  such  as  to 
take  away  the  idea  of  my  being  a  prisoner.1 
I  must  say  Captain  Carpenter  and  his  of 
ficers,  both  marine  and  navy  and  petty 
officers,  vied  with  each  other  to  entertain 
me  and  make  me  comfortable  on  board. 
I  remained  on  board  twenty  days  when  we 
arrived  at  St.  John.  Captain  Carpenter 
introduced  me  to  the  Admiral,  and  every 
thing  consistent  with  an  enemy  was  offered 
to  facilitate  my  passage  home  and  my  com 
fort  there.  To  the  credit  of  the  3rd  Lord 
Mandeville,  the  Duke  of  Manchester's  son, 
a  lad  of  fifteen  years,  a  midshipman  on 
board  the  Antelope,  I  cannot  omit  this 
trait  in  his  character.2  When  he  came  on 
shore  he  offered  me  half  the  money  he  had 
by  him  if  I  wanted  it.  I  politely  refused  it, 

1  "Ship  'Acasta,'  Capt.  Lewis  of  New  Bedford,  re 
ported     captured    by    the    'Antelope.'" — Columbian 
Centinel,  July  10,  1812. 

2  It  was  the  custom  of  the  Manchester  family  from  an 
early  date  to  keep  one  or  more  members  in  the  English 
navy,  and  several  rose  to  high  distinction. 


238       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

but  I  felt  the  greatest  attachment  to  him 
from  the  manner  it  was  offered.  The  tears 
stood  in  his  eyes.  He  had  been  in  my  room 
repeatedly  on  board,  and,  as  he  was  study 
ing  the  various  branches  of  navigation 
under  the  care  of  Mr.  Holbrook,  the  mas 
ter,  he  would  apply  to  me  frequently  by 
questions  relating  to  certain  rules,  which 
I  took  pleasure  in  communicating  to  him. 
After  remaining  three  weeks  in  St.  John, 
my  friend  Pyem  Lovett  and  myself  bought 
a  small  schooner,  which  we  sold  out  to  sev 
eral,  whom  the  Admiral  permitted  to  go 
home.  Our  vessel  cost  us  $1800  and  sold 
for  $400  in  Boston.  We  had  about  four 
teen  days  passage  and  had  some  of  the 
best  young  men  in  Philadelphia  with  us. 
We  were  about  eighteen  in  number  on 
board.  Part  did  not  pay  passage.  We  had 
several  who  were  disagreeable  on  board 
but  of  Lovett  and  myself  they  kept  clear, 
as  we  each  took  charge  daily  in  our  turn. 
We  arrived  in  Boston,  when  each  of  us  pro 
ceeded  direct  to  our  homes  to  the  great  joy 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         239 

of  our  friends  who  had  not  heard  of  our 
capture.  War  was  then  raging  and  priva 
teering  was  the  order  of  the  day,  but  my 
friends  and  that  section  of  the  country  I 
lived  in,1  did  not  approve  of  it,  consequently 
I  did  not  partake  of  it.  I  remained  at  home 
about  six  months  occupied  in  various  pur 
suits,  principally  in  gardening  until  I  was 
tired,  when  I  bought  part  of  the  Brig  Isa 
bel,  a  whitewashed  prize  brig  and  took  a 
Spaniard  as  Captain  and  a  Spanish  crew, 
and  a  cargo  of  lumber  for  St.  Jago  and 
proceeded  to  sea.  Three  days  after  the 
Chesapeake  was  captured.2  On  the  second 
night  out,  off  the  South  shoals,  was  boarded 
by  the  English  Privateer  Brig,  Sir  John 
Sherbrooke,3  who  was  very  particular  in 
the  examination  of  papers.  After  I  was 

1  It  was  to  the  war  itself,  rather  than  privateering,  that 
the  section  of  the  country  in  which  Capt.  Lamson  lived 
was  opposed. 

2  June  1,  1813. 

3  English  privateer  brig,  "  Sir  John  Sherbrooke,"  10 
guns  and  40  men,  afterwards  captured  by  the  American 
privateer,  "Saucy  Jack." 


240        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

satisfied  that  he  was  an  English  Cruiser  I 
showed  him  my  license,  and  he  then  was 
quite  easy,  but  privateer  man  like,  he  stole 
a  sheep,  a  ham  and  as  many  fowls  as  he 
could  carry  with  him.1  The  Lieutenant 
was  named  Freeman  who  stole  them.  He 
was  a  brother  of  the  Captain.  We  pro 
ceeded  on  and  arrived  at  St.  Jago  in  twenty- 
three  days.  I  then  sold  my  cargo  and 
loaded  a  vessel  under  Spanish  colors,2 
commanded  by  Captain  Burke  of  Charls- 
ton,  where  he  safely  arrived.  I  laded  the 
Isabel  for  London  on  freight  and  sailed  in 
August,  1813,  and  had  a  blustering  pas 
sage.  Knowing  that  the  English  examined 

1  Capt.  Lainson  fared  better  than  the  ship  "  Ariadne  " 
of  New  Bedford.  This  vessel  was  boarded  April  12, 1812, 
by  the  "  Sir  John  Sherbrooke,"  part  of  her  cargo  taken, 
her  papers  and   British  license  burned  and  nine  of  her 
crew  impressed. 

2  "The  British  government  has  issued  an  order  that 
condemned  American  vessels  can  be  bought  by  Spaniards 
and  put  under  the  Spanish  flag.    You  may  expect  to  see 
many  of  your  vessels  suddenly  change  their  colors."  — 
Letter  from  Cadiz,  Niles  Register,  vol.  4,  p.  107. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         241 

very  closely  all  vessels  under  the  Spanish 
flag,  I  made  sale  of  the  Brig  to  two  differ 
ent  persons  in  St.  Jago,  so  she  appeared 
to  be  long  owned  in  Cuba.  The  Com- 
mandante  of  Marine  was  well  acquainted 
in  Cuba.  He  had  lived  at  Pensacola  and 
he  furnished  me  with  a  Spanish  name  and 
Spanish  papers  of  naturalization  and  called 
me  Pedro  Blanco,  which  name  I  passed  by 
during  all  the  war.  On  leaving  Cuba  I 
beat  up  and  passed  through  the  French 
Keys.  I  ran  for  Halifax  to  clear  the  British 
cruisers  and  when  off  Halifax,  say  eight 
leagues,  I  was  spoken  by  an  English  sev 
enty-four,  a  frigate  and  a  schooner  in  com 
pany.  It  being  foggy  shortly  after,  I  bore 
up,  ran  down  the  coast  twelve  leagues  to 
the  east  of  Halifax.  I  then  got  wood  and 
water  which  we  were  short  of  and  discov 
ered  the  treachery  of  the  inhabitants,  as  I 
believe  they  sent  on  to  Halifax  to  give  in 
formation  of  me,  but  I  sailed  just  at  night, 
to  the  surprise  of  those  Tory  and  Irish 
beggars  of  that  place.  Three  days  after  I 


242        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

fell  in  with  an  American  Cruiser  Privateer, 
the  "Elbridge  Gerry"  of  New  York,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Turner.1  He  was  an 
old  acquaintance  of  mine,  had  lived  on 
board  my  ship  three  years  before  in  France, 
but  I  had  so  disguised  myself  by  my  mus 
taches  and  beard  and  an  old  dress  of  my 
boatswain's,  and  not  allowing  any  English 
to  be  spoken,  and  having  rubbed  my  cabin 
over  with  garlic,  and  all  being  natural  Span 
iards  but  myself,  and  my  speaking  Spanish, 
that  they  after  a  search  of  three  hours,  left 
us,  supposing  as  they  said,  "He  is  a  real 
Spaniard."  In  justice  to  Turner,  I  will  say 
he  behaved  well.  He  took  no  other  liberty 
on  board  than  his  duty  required.  The  next 
day  at  night  about  ten  o'clock,  being  about 
as  I  supposed  thirty  to  forty  leagues  to  the 
East  of  Turner,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening 
I  fell  in  with  an  English  Frigate  called 

1  "The  'Elbridge  Gerry, 'schooner,  160  tons,  14  guns, 
Capt.  Turner,  captured  by  H.  B.  M.  Frigate '  Crescent ' 
off  Cape  Raw,  Sept.  18,  1813."  —  EMMONS,  Navy  of 
the  United  States. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         243 

the  Crescent,1  Captain  Somerville.  They 
boarded  us,  sent  a  Lieutenant  who  was  a 
Genoese  and  spoke  the  Spanish  language. 
He  overhauled  the  crew.  I  passed  unno 
ticed  by  him  and  he  looked  over  the  Log. 
He  saw  we  were  boarded  by  Turner.  He 
took  his  minutes  and  went  on  board  and 
I  was  informed  captured  the  E.  Gerry. 
The  next  day,  after  a  short  chase,  we  pro 
ceeded  on  for  England  and  in  a  few  days  to 
the  east  of  the  Bank  fell  in  with  a  fleet  of 
sixty  sail,  from  Quebec  for  England  under 
the  Rota  Frigate 2  and  a  sloop  of  war  Brig. 
The  Brig  spoke  us,  ordered  us  alongside 
the  Frigate  and  the  Captain  to  go  on  board 
with  his  Log  book.  He  went  on  board 
where  he  was  treated  politely  by  Captain 
Somerville  and  obtained  the  fleet's  instruc 
tions  and  signals.  We  kept  with  the  fleet 
until  nearly  up  into  Cape  Clear  and  then 
went  ahead.  I  left  them  and  proceeded  for 

1  "Crescent,"  36,  Capt.  Somerville. 

2  The  "  Rota,"  38,  was  a  Danish  vessel  captured  by 
the  English  and  commanded  by  Capt.  Somerville. 


244        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

Portsmouth,  and  speaking  with  another 
cruiser  only,  I  arrived  off  Portsmouth  and 
from  thence  off  Dover,  when  I  took  a  Pilot 
and  anchored  on  the  downs  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  evening.  We  parted,  or  cut  our  cable 
as  the  Pilot  would  have  it,  as  he  cut  it  after 
it  had  parted.  We  ran  off  Ramsgate  and 
brought  to  with  our  small  bower.  The  next 
morning  a  boat  with  cable,  anchor  and 
buoy  rope  came  alongside.  We  took  it  on 
board  and  lay  wind  bound  five  days,  when 
we  got  under  way  and  proceeded  for  Lon 
don,  beating  up  the  river  with  a  Pilot  and 
two  Custom  House  officers  on  board  and, 
although  they  were  on  the  alert,  not  one 
knew  I  spoke  English  and  the  most  laugh 
able  yarn  was,  when  I  arrived  at  Graves 
End,  one  of  the  officers  went  on  shore  to 
bespeak  me  a  breakfast  and  a  passage  for 
London,  but  rogue  like,  he  calls  for  liquor 
to  treat  a  number  of  his  friends  and  told  the 
bar-keeper  that  the  Spaniard  upstairs  will 
pay  you  for  all.  The  girl  who  attended  the 
coffee  room  and  fetched  my  breakfast  par- 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          245 

took  of  the  same  disease.  When  I  had 
breakfasted  and  found  the  stage  at  the 
door,  I  wished  to  know  in  broken  English 
what  I  was  to  pay.  She  kindly  told  me 
<£2  6d.  I  saw  eighteen  pence  paid  by  one 
gentleman  who  breakfasted  as  I  had,  and, 
as  there  was  no  time  to  parley,  I  told  her  in 
good  English  that  she  ought  to  loose  her 
place  for  attempting  to  impose  on  a  traveller. 
I  gave  her  eighteen  pence,  when,  as  though 
struck  dumb,  she  courtseyed  and  asked  me 
to  remember  the  maid.  I  told  her  I  should 
always  remember  her  when  I  passed  that 
way.  On  mounting  the  coach  the  bar 
keeper  came  out  with  a  demand  on  account 
of  the  officer  but  I  gave  him  the  Spanish 
reply  "no  entiendo."  The  gentleman  on 
the  stage,  supposing  I  was  foreign,  and 
being  told  I  was  supercargo  of  a  Spanish 
Brig  from  the  West  Indies,  would  not  suf 
fer  me  to  pay,  but  on  the  contrary  took  my 
money,  paid  all  my  travelling  fare  and  gave 
me  my  change  regularly  as  he  paid.  I  could 
hardly  refrain  from  laughing  when  they 


246        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

would  try  to  make  me  understand  their 
money.  We  arrived  in  London.  Just  before 
we  got  to  the  Bank  of  England  I  stopped 
the  coachman  and  got  down  in  the  street 
and  travelled  to  the  Virginia  Hotel.  With 
my  mustachios,  long  beard  under  the  chin 
and  much  sunburn,  nobody  in  the  Hotel 
knew  me,  although  I  was  an  old  boarder. 
Then,  after  a  while,  I  asked  if  I  could  have 
lodging.  They  replied  they  would  see  but 
looked  quite  hard  at  me.  Finally,  I  made 
myself  known  to  them,  when  the  best  thing 
they  had  was  for  me.  I  saw  a  gentleman 
reading  a  paper  in  the  room  who  had  a 
genteel  appearance.  On  enquiring,  I  found 
him  an  American.  I  showed  him  my  let 
ters,  and  found  him  acquainted  with  Mr. 
Bainbridge,  and  then  I  opened  my  busi 
ness  to  him.  He  was  glad  of  my  acquaint 
ance,  and  we  the  next  morning  called  on 
Messrs.  Bainbridge  and  made  arrange 
ments  for  selling  our  cargo.  I  was  intro 
duced  by  the  name  of  White,1  and  Mr. 

1  Pedro  Blanco  =  Peter  White. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          247 

Bainbridge,  whom  I  had  been  intimate 
with,  did  not  know  me.  I  remained  with 
him  for  a  week  or  ten  days,  when  I  was  dis 
posed  to  make  myself  known  to  him.  Just 
as  we  were  going  to  drive,  I  asked  him  if  it 
was  possible  I  was  so  altered  he  did  not 
know  me.  He  said  he  had  doubts  in  his 
mind  whether  he  had  not  seen  me  before, 
but  could  not  recollect.  My  voice  was  fa 
miliar,  and  that  was  all.  I  mentioned  Lam- 
son  and  the  ship  Wells,  when  he  was  quite 
astonished  as  well  as  diverted,  and  imme 
diately  introduced  me  to  his  wife  as  an  old 
friend.  We  dined  and  passed  many  jokes 
on  the  intrigue.  We  were  obliged  to  ma 
neuver  in  consequence  of  the  war.  I  dis 
charged  my  vessel,  coppered  her  and  got 
ready  to  lade  when  Messrs.  Bainbridge, 
Ryly  &  Young,  John  Gosler  and  myself, 
agreed  that  I  should  take  about  $12,000 
worth  of  India  goods  and  a  credit  on  Trini 
dad  for  thirty  thousand  more  and  proceed 
to  the  Oronoko  for  a  cargo  of  hides  and 
indigo,  he  giving  me  a  full  commission, 


248        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

<£3000  for  my  Brig  and  10  per  cent  for  my 
self.1  But  before  sailing,  to  show  the  ras 
cality  of  the  Spaniards  I  had  on  board, 
when  they  had  the  chance,  I  will  relate  the 
conduct  of  them.  My  mate  and  eight  of 
my  crew  never  had,  during  the  coppering 
of  my  vessel,  paid  any  attention,  but  were 
continually  gone.  I  had  complained  to 
them  of  their  conduct.  The  mate  as  Prin 
cipal,  with  the  crew,  called  on  the  Consul 
General  and  informed  him  I  was  an  Ameri 
can  owner  of  the  vessel,  and  that  she  was 
not  Spanish.  The  Consul  General  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  Vice  Consul,  who  informed 
me  of  it.  I  directed  the  vice  consul  to  re 
quest  him  to  see  her  papers  and  call  on 
Messrs.  Bainbridge  &  Brown,  and  he 
would  be  satisfied.  He  was  satisfied,  and 
gave  the  man  no  hearing.  They  called  on 
the  Spanish  minister,  who  wrote  the  Con 
sul  General  and  received  the  Consul  Gen 
eral's  reply,  when  the  minister  sent  me  a 

1  Primage  was  a  sum  over  and  above  the  freight,  paid 
the  captain  of  a  vessel  for  looking  after  the  cargo. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON         249 

note,  with  an  order  to  imprison  them  if  they 
gave  me  any  trouble,  and  to  show  his  re 
gard  for  Messrs.  Bainbridge  &  Brown,  he 
sent  me  a  general  Passport  gratis,  to  travel 
in  all  parts  of  the  world  as  a  Spanish  sub 
ject.  In  the  meantime  I  shipped  a  mate 
and  as  many  men  to  come  on  board  the  day 
I  sailed,  and  just  as  I  was  dispatching  the 
Brig,  the  villains  came  aboard  to  go  the 
voyage.  I  turned  them  all  into  their  boats, 
though  they  begged  with  all  submission  to 
go,  but  I  had  my  complement,  conse 
quently  they  were  left  behind  and  knew 
that  I  did  not  go  down  in  my  Brig.  I  had 
by  three  o'clock  no  less  than  four  or  five 
lawyer's  letters  in  the  house  for  me,  but  I 
left  them  there  and  proceeded  for  Graves  - 
end,  and  it  being  Sunday,  I  went  down  the 
river,  touched  at  Portsmouth,  lay  two  days, 
found  four  Indiamen  and  a  fleet  of  mer 
chants'  vessels  ready  to  sail.  I  joined  their 
convoy  and  kept  with  them  till  I  saw  Ma 
deira,  when  I  hauled  off  for  the  Westward. 
I  ran  down  the  trades  and  arrived  at  Trini- 


250       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

dad  in  thirty-one  days.  On  my  arrival  I 
found  it  hard  to  obtain  information  of  the 
Orinoko.  I  chartered  a  sloop  at  $14  per  day 
and  went  up  the  Macmoro  River  to  Angos 
tura.  I  then  found  a  plenty  of  Produce 
and  a  sale  for  goods.  I  returned  to  Trini 
dad  and  purchased  about  $14,000  worth 
of  goods  and  attempted  to  enter  my  ves 
sel.  On  obtaining  my  permit,  the  collector 
informed  me  that  my  vessel  was  liable  to 
seizure  on  account  of  India  goods,1  $12,000 
worth  of  which  I  had  on  board,  being 
prohibited  by  act  of  Parliament  from  com 
ing  to  entry  in  an  English  Colony  under  a 
foreign  flag.  Finding  they  intended  to 
seize  my  vessel,  I  called  on  Judge  Putter 
and  two  of  the  first  attorneys,  who  informed 
me  my  vessel  was  liable  and  the  Governor 
advised  me  to  be  off.  I  accordingly  wrote 
to  London,  gave  my  advice,  and  chartered 
a  small  schooner  to  take  the  goods  I  had 
bought,  and  hired  a  young  man  as  clerk 

1  Only  English  vessels  were  allowed  to  carry  colonial 
goods  from  England  to  an  English  colony. 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          251 

who  spoke  Spanish,  to  come  on  to  the 
Mackenye  and  meet  me  in  the  Grand 
River.  In  the  meantime,  the  Custom 
House  was  making  arrangements  to  take 
possession  of  my  vessel.  All  my  arrange 
ments  were  made  in  an  hour.  A  ship  lying 
close  by  me,  which  had  twenty-five  men 
before  the  mast,  was  consigned  to  Mr. 
Burley,  from  whom  I  took  a  letter  to  the 
mate.  He  came  on  board  with  all  his  crew. 
We  had  all  our  yards  up  and  sailed  imme 
diately,  a  quick  breeze  and  fair,  for  the 
Straits  of  Boca.  On  looking  toward  the 
harbor  we  discovered  the  Deputy  Collector 
and  a  Launch  of  soldiers  in  pursuit,  but 
with  a  good  wind  and  clear  course,  we  got 
off  and  after  beating  one  day  off  Trinidad 
we  fetched  under  the  lee  of  Grenada. 
From  there  I  fetched  Causland  Bay  on 
Tobego.  On  standing  in,  two  English  ships 
in  the  harbor  got  out  springs  and  presented 
their  broadsides.  The  Fort  was  well 
manned.  On  coming  within  gunshot  I 
tacked  and  set  Spanish  colors  and  stood  off. 


252        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

But  they  kept  making  signals.  The  next 
day  I  passed  to  windward  of  the  Island  and 
standing  over  the  Oronoko  we  fetched 
Wyman  River  and  ran  down  for  Cape  Bar. 
We  ran  up  as  far  as  the  junction  of  the 
Maturin  and  Grand  River  and  the  Ma- 
careo.  In  ten  days  I  found  my  schooner 
with  my  goods.  I  proceeded  to  town  and 
discharged  my  schooner  and  Brig,  and  con 
signed  myself  to  Don  Juan  Hymont,  a 
German  merchant,  and  commenced  sell 
ing  my  cargo  and  purchasing  produce. 
We  lay  about  four  months  arid  laded  the 
Brig  and  I  found  myself  short  of  money 
to  pay  my  duties ;  consequently,  I  went  to 
Trinidad  and  purchased  about  $7000  worth 
of  goods  and  chartered  a  sloop  to  take  me 
back  to  Angostura.  On  my  passage  up  the 
Macareo  one  night,  while  at  anchor  and 
fast  to  the  bank,  I  had  lain  myself  on  the 
mainsail  of  the  vessel  to  avoid  mosquitoes. 
At  twelve  o'clock  at  night  a  discharge  of 
a  small  cannon  and  a  general  shout  of 
"abordo"  waked  me,  when  instantane- 


DIARY  OF  CAPTAIN  LAMSON          253 

ously  one  hundred  Sambos  and  Indians 
were  on  board.  All  my  crew  of  the  sloop 
were  tied  by  the  hands,  and  hove  into 
boats.  I  immediately  rose  from  my  place 
in  the  sail,  when  the  Commander  of  the 
squadron,  which  was  a  Patriot  squadron, 
demanded  in  Spanish,  "Who  are  you?" 
I  replied,  "I  am  an  English  messenger 
from  the  Government  of  Trinidad  to  An 
gostura,"  when  he  immediately  ordered 
all  his  crew  in  their  boats  and  not  to  touch 
the  least  thing  aboard  my  vessel. 


CHAPTER  VI 

CAPTAIN LAMSON'S  "Diary"  leaves 
V^  him  trading  on  the  Orinoco.  Of  his 
life  during  the  remainder  of  the  war  we 
know  nothing,  but  it  is  probable  that  he 
traded  for  a  time  in  Spanish  waters  and 
then  returned  to  the  Continent.  When 
peace  was  declared  he  left  England  on  the 
"Isabella,"  ostensibly  as  a  passenger,  and 
arrived  in  Boston  in  the  spring  of  1815.1 
How  he  passed  the  next  four  years  is  not 
known,  but  some  time  in  1820  he  took 
command  of  the  brig  "Belvidere,"  150  tons 
burden,  owned  in  Beverly,  and  sailed  for 
New  Orleans.2 

1  "Arrived  in  Boston  Spanish  brig  *  Isabella,'  Peter  A. 
Argevola,  master,  forty  days  from  Cowes  and  twenty  days 
from  St.  Michaels.  Captain  Z.  G.  Lamson  of  Beverly, 
passenger."  —  Salem  Gazette,  May  12,  1815. 

3  "  Brig  '  Belvidere '  of  Beverly,  Lamson,  Master,  re 
ported  at  the  Balize."  —  Salem  Register,  Sept.  13,  1820. 


LAST  YEARS  255 

Captain  Lamson  remained  in  command 
of  the  "Belvidere"  from  1820  to  Aug.  25, 
1823,  when  the  brig  was  condemned  and 
sold.  In  the  latter  part  of  1820  he  sailed 
from  New  Orleans  for  Liverpool,  thence  to 
Bordeaux,  and  returned  to  New  Orleans.1 
The  "Louisiana  Gazette"  of  June  4,  1822, 
advertises,  "For  Philadelphia.  The  sub 
stantial  fast  sailing  brig  'Belvidere,'  Z.  G. 
Lamson,  master,  will  sail  in  the  course  of 
the  present  week.  For  freight  of  the  bulk 
of  fifty  bales  of  cotton  or  passage,  apply  to 
the  master  on  board,  opposite  St.  Louis 
Street,  or  to  Eben  Fiske."  He  reached 
Philadelphia  2  in  August,  and  sailed  for 
New  Orleans  in  November,  but  was  obliged 
to  put  in  leaky  at  Charleston  and  repair 
ship.  The  next  year  and  a  half  he  spent 
most  of  his  time  trading  between  Port  au 
Prince  and  New  Orleans.  That  he  was 

1  "  Brig  *  Belvidere,'  Lamson,  for  Bordeaux  from  Liver 
pool,  Feb.  19."—  Columbian  Centinel,  May  1,  1821. 

2  "  Philadelphia,  Aug.   2,  brig  '  Belvidere/   Lamson, 
thirty-nine    days    from    New    Orleans."  —  New    York 
Evening  Post,  Aug.  3,  1822. 


256       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

unfortunate  as  usual,  the  folio  wing  clippings 
from  the  Salem  papers  show :  - 

"Salem  Gazette,  "March  30, 1821 :  "Brig 
*  Belvidere,'  Z.  G.  Larnson  of  Beverly, 
Master,  which  sailed  from  the  Balize  Dec. 
4,  arrived  in  Crook  harbor  much  shat 
tered."  "Salem  Register,"  July,  1822: 
"Brig  'Belvidere'  was  discharging  at  the 
Balize,  June  17,  1822,  in  consequence  of 
damage  received  June  15  by  a  log  on  the 
way  down  the  river." 

"Salem  Register,"  Nov.  27,  1822:  "Ar 
rived  in  Charleston  Nov.  15  brig  'Belvi- 
dere,5  Lamson,  master,  bound  to  New  Or 
leans,  put  in  leaky." 

"Salem  Register,"  1822:  "A  New  York 
paper  reports  that  the  brig  'Belvidere,' 
Lamson,  master,  has  been  condemned  and 
sold  at  Port  au  Prince." 

In  addition  to  these  accidents  of  the  sea 
Captain  Lamson  had  the  misfortune  to  be 
taken  by  a  piratical  vessel  and  experienced 
both  torture  and  loss  of  cargo.  Piracy,  long 
rife  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  had  at  this  time 


LAST  YEARS  257 

reached  its  culmination.  Towards  the  close 
of  the  War  of  1812,  Commodore  Patterson 
broke  up  the  famous  pirate  gang  of  Jean 
Lafitte1  and  drove  them  from  their  ren 
dezvous  at  Barataria,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi.  Lafitte  and  his  men,  some 
eight  hundred  in  number,  afterwards  joined 
General  Jackson  at  New  Orleans,  and 
fought  so  bravely  against  the  English  that 
President  Madison  granted  them  a  pardon 
Feb.  6,  1815.  It  is  fair  to  presume,  how 
ever,  that  no  real  change  occurred  in  their 
moral  character,  and  that  most  of  the  men 
relapsed  into  piracy.  Lafitte,  after  three 
years,  turned  pirate  again,  and  made  Gal- 
veston  Island  his  headquarters.  Several  of 
his  vessels  were  taken  by  the  U.  S.  cutter 
"Alabama,"  and  their  crews  tried  and 

1  Jean  Lafitte  was  a  man  of  considerable  ability.  In 
his  early  piratical  life  he  claimed  to  fight  only  against 
the  Spaniards;  but  if  so,  he  made  many  mistakes  as  to 
nationality.  In  1813  Governor  Claiburne  of  Louisiana 
offered  $5000  for  his  head.  He  replied  by  an  offer  of 
$50,000  for  the  Governor's.  He  died  in  Sisal,  Yucatan, 
in  1826. 


258       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

hanged;  but  he  eluded  capture,  and  in  1821 
was  cruising  in  the  brigantine  "Pride," 
making  the  Island  of  Margarita  his  ren 
dezvous.  Lafitte,  however,  was  a  man  who 
conducted  operations  on  a  large  scale,  and 
hardly  a  type  of  the  ordinary  pirate  of  the 
Caribbean  Sea.  Most  of  the  piracy  in  the 
West  Indies  at  this  time  was  conducted  in 
large  boats  or  small  sloops  and  schooners  of 
not  over  seventy  tons.  These  vessels  of  shal 
low  draught,  manned  by  a  motley  crew  of 
Spaniards,  Portuguese,  and  negroes,  lurked 
among  the  numerous  keys,  and  levied  toll 
on  passing  ships.  Although  carrying  one 
or  two  heavy  guns,  the  pirates  relied  chiefly 
on  boarding,  neither  expecting  nor  en 
countering  resistance.1  The  captured  ves 
sel  was  robbed  of  its  cargo,  but  life  was 
rarely  taken,2  not  from  any  conscientious 

1  In  looking  over  the  files  of  the  Boston,  New  York 
and  Salem  papers  for  the  years  1820  to  1822  inclusive, 
the  writer  found  but  two  cases  where  organized  resist 
ance  was  made  to  a  piratical  attack  in  the  Caribbean 
Sea. 

2  This  was  true  as  a  rule,  but  in  quite  a  number  of 


LAST  YEARS  259 

scruples,  of  course,  but  merely  as  a  matter 
of  policy.  Torture  was  freely  applied  to 
extort  possible  hidden  treasure,  and  when 
the  vessel  was  thoroughly  sacked  the  pi 
rates  sailed  away,  leaving  the  captain  free 
to  resume  his  course.  In  December,  1819,  a 
memorial1  from  prominent  insurance  men 
of  Boston  was  addressed  to  President 
Monroe,  calling  attention  to  the  repeated 
acts  of  piracy  in  the  West  Indies,  and  giv 
ing  a  list  of  forty-four  vessels  robbed,  copied 
from  one  paper  in  that  year. 

The  "Salem  Register"  of  Jan.  26, 


cases  murder,  outrage  and  scuttling  of  the  vessel  were 
perpetrated  in  true  piratical  fashion. 

1  In  March,  1822,  Mr.  McLean  of  Connecticut  from 
the  committee  on  naval  affairs  presented  to  Congress 
an  interesting  report  on  suppression  of  piracy  in  the  West 
Indies.  In  consequence  it  was  resolved,  "That  it  is  ex 
pedient  forthwith  to  fit  out  and  put  in  service  the  corvette 
'  Cayenne,'  the  sloops  of  war,  '  John  Adams,'  '  Erie  '  and 
*  Peacock  '  for  the  protection  of  commerce  and  suppres 
sion  of  piracy  in  the  West  India  seas  and  Gulf  of  Mexico 
and  also  to  employ  the  frigate  '  Constellation,'  should 
the  President  deem  her  employment  necessary  for  pur 
poses  aforesaid." 


260        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

has  an  article  headed  "More  Piracies! 
The  brig  '  Belvidere,'  Lamson,  on  her  way 
from  Hayti  to  New  Orleans  was  boarded 
Dec.  9,  1821,  by  a  piratical  vessel  of  one 
gun  and  fourteen  men,  one  American  and 
the  rest  Spanish  and  Portuguese.  The  crew 
were  confined  in  the  forecastle,  and  the 
officers,  passengers,  and  men  plundered  of 
everything  of  value  the  villains  could  find 
and  some  of  the  cargo.  After  hanging  the 
captain  and  mate  up  to  the  main  yard 
until  life  was  nearly  extinct  to  extort  more 
money  from  them,  they  departed." 

The  "Salem  Register"  of  Feb.  2,  1822, 
gives  further  particulars  of  this  outrage: 
"Captain  Lamson,  brig  'Belvidere,'  has 
published  an  account  in  a  New  Orleans 
paper  of  his  treatment  from  the  crew  of  a 
pirate  schooner  of  about  forty  tons  off  Key 
Sarenal.  They  took  tobacco  and  coffee 
enough  to  load  their  vessel.  Captain  Lam 
son  concludes  as  follows :  '  After  being  in 
the  forecastle  eighteen  hours  they  called 
up  myself  and  passengers,  and  to  complete 


LAST  YEARS  261 

their  rascality  they  rove  a  yard  rope  and 
hung  us  up  separately,  taking  the  precau 
tion  to  secure  us  one  by  one  as  they  finished 
their  proceedings.  Monday  at  6  A.  M.  they 
came  on  board  again,  cut  our  cable,  and 
run  us  in  between  two  reefs,  two  leagues 
to  the  westward  of  Neu vitas,  taking  with 
them  my  small  cable,  anchor,  kedge, 
hawser,  and  all  the  spare  rigging  aboard." 
Up  to  this  time,  either  from  economy, 
fear,  or  indifference,  American  merchants 
had  neglected  to  provide  their  vessels  with 
arms,  and  robbery  on  the  high  seas  had 
become  both  lucrative  and  safe.  Captain 
Lamson,  however,  had  been  hanged  once, 
and  had  no  intention  of  trusting  his  head 
in  the  noose  a  second  time.  When  he  next 
sailed  from  New  Orleans,  some  thirty  days 
after  his  capture  by  the  pirates,  he  went 
armed.  His  armament  was  not  heavy, 
consisting  of  one  24-pound  carronade, 
one  brass  3-pounder,  four  muskets  and 
seven  pistols.  The  voyage  to  Port  au  Prince 
was  uneventful,  but  on  his  return  trip  at 


262        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

the  channel  of  Caye  de  Sucre,  near  the 
coast  of  Cuba,  he  spoke  the  U.  S.  schooner 
"Alligator."  This  vessel,  together  with 
the  "Shark"  and  "Grampus,"  had  been 
detailed  by  the  government  to  cruise  in 
the  Caribbean  Sea  and  Gulf  of  Mexico  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  piracies  which  threatened 
to  ruin  American  trade  in  those  waters. 
Captain  Lamson  boarded  the  "Alligator," 
and  learned  from  her  captain  the  particu 
lars  of  an  engagement  which  that  vessel 
and  the  "Grampus"  had  sustained  with 
several  piratical  vessels  the  day  before,  and 
had  the  pleasure  of  watching  from  the  deck 
of  the  "Alligator"  the  chase  of  another 
pirate  by  Captain  Stockton  in  the  tender, 
"Jane."  Although  Captain  Lamson,  in 
that  part  of  the  log  of  the  "Belvidere" 
which  we  quote,  narrates  what  he  saw  and 
heard  on  this  occasion,  still  the  account  of 
these  same  events  given  in  the  "  Charleston 
City  Gazette  and  Commercial  Daily  Ad 
vertiser"  of  May  21, 1822,  is  so  much  more 
comprehensive  that  we  give  it  in  full.  "  The 


LAST  YEARS  263 

evening  on  which  the  'Alligator'  left  Xibara 
and  was  on  her  way  to  Neu vitas,  the  place 
designated  as  a  rendezvous  for  her  tender 
and  boats,  she  fell  in  with  the  U.  S.  schooner 
'Grampus/  Lieut.  Commander  Gregory, 
and  after  some  communication  united 
their  forces  and  proceeded  to  Neu  vitas, 
where  Captain  Stockton  found  his  tender 
and  was  informed  that  she  had  been  plun 
dered  by  a  pirate,  without  the  resistance  of 
a  single  shot.  This  insult  Captains  Stock 
ton  and  Gregory  resolved  to  avenge,  and  to 
atone  for  the  loss  not  only  of  victory  but 
some  honor,  determined  to  fit  out  the 
schooner  'Jane'  as  a  new  tender,  and 
Captain  Stockton  took  command  himself, 
while  Captain  Gregory  followed  with  the 
'Alligator'  and  'Grampus.'  The  little 
squadron  was  to  rendezvous  at  a  place 
called  Sugar  Key.  The  particulars  of  the 
expedition  will  be  furnished  hereafter. 
Among  the  results  Captain  Stockton  re 
captured  an  English  brig  which  was  in  pos 
session  of  four  piratical  vessels,  having 


£64        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

among  them  about  two  hundred  men.  The 
pirates  were  in  sight  at  the  time  of  recap 
ture.  The  mate  of  the  English  brig  made 
a  narrow  escape,  having  actually  a  halter 
round  his  neck  and  just  suspended  at  the 
moment  of  deliverance.  The  pirates  wrere 
pursued.  The  cunning  dogs  whenever  the 
'Jane'  was  near  them,  and  out  of  sight  of 
her  aids,  would  draw  up  in  line  of  battle, 
but  would  not  wait  for  the  broadside.  Cap 
tain  Stockton  was  at  one  moment  so  near 
as  to  receive  fifteen  or  twenty  shots  from 
their  long  12-pounder,  but  unfortunately 
the  shallowness  of  the  water  prevented  his 
coming  into  closer  contact.  In  his  eager 
ness  to  pursue,  the  'Jane'  was  once  run 
on  shore,  and  he  could  only  give  a  prompt 
return  from  his  6-pounder,  at  which  the 
rogues  laughed!  Notwithstanding  their 
lightness  and  knowledge  of  the  coast  the 
result  of  this  chase  was  the  capture  of  one 
of  their  schooners  with  a  full  cargo  taken 
from  the  English  brig,  the  burning  of  an 
other  and  the  running  on  shore  of  a  third. 


LAST  YEARS  265 

The  fourth,  effected  her  escape  with  the 
boats  and  crews  of  the  others.  Not  a  man 
was  captured.  However  this  is  to  be  re 
gretted,  the  officers  of  the  'Alligator'  had 
the  satisfaction  of  burning  the  vessel  that 
plundered  their  tender.  The  captured 
schooner  was  sent  into  Havana  and  the 
'Alligator'  has  brought  into  Charleston 
her  other  prizes,  a  Columbian  armed 
schooner  called  the  '  Cienega,'  whose  crew 
had  mutinied  at  Reggia  Island,  and  a 
sloop  found  at  sea  with  no  living  creature 
aboard  but  a  dog." 

Fortunately  we  are  enabled  to  give  Cap 
tain  Lamson's  own  account  of  these  oc 
currences,  as  well  as  other  matters  of  in 
terest,  from  fragments  of  the  log  of  the 
"  Belvidere,"  published  in  the  "  Columbian 
Centinel"  of  June  26,  1822,  the  "Courier 
de  Louisiana"  of  May  20,  1822,  and  the 
"Salem  Gazette"  of  June  25,  1822. 

Extracts  from  log  of  brig  "Belvidere," 
Lamson,  master:  "May  2,  we  spoke  the 
United  States  schooner  'Alligator,'  Cap- 


266        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

tain  Stockton,  at  the  channel  of  Caye  de 
Sucre,  coast  of  Cuba,  and  was  informed 
on  board  that  he  had  recaptured  an  Eng 
lish  brig,  of  which  the  captain  and  mate  had 
been  hung  by  the  pirates.  The  'Alligator' 
had  also  retaken  the  Columbian  schooner 
'Cienega,'  which  had  been  seized  by  a 
mutinous  crew.  At  the  time  of  leaving, 
Captain  Stockton  was  in  shore  with  a 
schooner  of  light  draught,  with  seventy  men 
belonging  to  the  'Alligator'  and  'Gram 
pus,'  together  with  the  three  crews  of  the 
prizes  he  had  taken.  He  engaged  a  pirate 
launch  of  seventy  men,  but  as  he  was  much 
embarrassed  by  all  those  he  had  aboard, 
he  was  in  doubt  what  to  do  with  them. 
The  famous  Lafitte  was  among  the  pirates. 
The  very  day  of  our  parting  we  fell  in  with 
a  schooner  and  three  launches  which  gave 
chase,  but  blowing  heavy  and  being  to 
windward,  succeeded  in  getting  from  them. 
The  next  day  at  10  A.  M.  made  a  schooner 
on  our  larboard  bow,  lying  under  mainsail 
and  jib.  At  11  A.  M.  she  was  on  our  lee 


LAST  YEARS  267 

quarter  and  fired  a  gun,  coming  up  fast. 
At  twenty  minutes  past  eleven  fired  a  sec 
ond  shot  and  hoisted  a  red  flag  with  death's 
head  and  a  cross  under  it.  Finding  I  had 
a  hard  character  to  deal  with  I  prepared 
for  him  as  well  as  I  was  able,  and  imme 
diately  brailed  up  my  top  sails,  hauled  up 
my  courses,  clewed  down  top  gallant  sails, 
hauled  down  the  jib,  braced  in  the  mizzen 
top  sail,  and  kept  off  two  points.  I  then  fired 
a  musket  and  hoisted  colors.  At  12  A.  M. 
she  came  alongside  within  two  yards  dis 
tance.  Hailed  with  'God  damn  you,  send 
your  boat  aboard.  I  will  murder  all  hands 
of  you.'  He  had  not  discovered  our  gun  at 
that  time.  I  told  him  I  would  send  her 
directly.  He  gave  me  a  whole  volley  of 
musketry  and  blunderbusses  before  I  had 
answered  him.  Our  gun  was  pointed  and 
cloth  removed,  and  we  commenced  as 
smart  a  fire  as  possible  with  one  24- 
pound  carronade,  four  muskets,  and  seven 
pistols.  At  our  first  fire  six  of  them  were 
seen  to  fall,  among  them  the  Captain  or 


268       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

leader,  being  the  one  who  hailed  me.  He 
only  discharged  his  large  gun  three  times 
alongside,  as  our  third  shot  broke  his  car 
riage  and  his  gun  fell  into  the  lee  scuppers. 
He  then  kept  up  as  smart  a  fire  with  mus 
kets  and  blunderbusses  and  dropped  near 
the  stern,  expecting  to  find  more  comfort 
able  quarters,  but  he  there  got  a  most  ter 
rible  cutting  up  from  a  brass  3-pounder,  by 
which  he  was  raked  within  twenty  yards 
distance  with  a  round  shot  and  two  bags 
of  forty  musket  balls  each,  which  com 
pletely  fixed  him.  His  vessel  holding  such 
a  wind  and  going  so  fast  she  soon  was  clear 
of  grape  shot  range  and  wore  ship.  I  did 
not  receive  any  more  fire  from  him  or  even 
hear  a  word  spoken  on  board  of  him,  and 
in  fact  did  not  see  any  one  on  deck.  Our 
loss  was  one  man  killed,  shot  through  the 
head,  about  forty  musket  balls  through 
the  rudder  case,  tiller,  skylight,  and  com 
panion  way,  our  foretopsail  halliards  shot 
and  our  trysail  halliards  cut  in  three 
places.  We  counted  twenty-two  men  when 


LAST  YEARS  269 

she  came  alongside.    He  had  a  brass  five 
or  nine  pounder  amidships  and  muskets 
and  blunderbusses    and   plenty  of   them. 
-  Z.  G.  LAMSON." 

The  day  after  the  encounter  with  the 
piratical  vessel,  Captain  Lamson  fell  in 
with  a  Boston  ship  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  Baker,  and  gave  him  an  account  of 
the  affair.  "Boston  Palladium,"  May  21, 
1822:  "Captain  Baker  from  Honduras 
spoke  May  4,  Key  Sal  twenty  leagues 
southeast,  brig  'Belvidere,'  Lamson,  of 
Beverly,  from  Port  au  Prince  to  New  Or 
leans,  and  was  supplied  with  a  barrel  of 
flour.  Captain  Lamson  communicated  the 
following  information:  thirty  hours  before 
he  had  an  action  with  a  pirate  of  about 
sixty  tons,  full  of  men.  That  two  hours 
before  he  was  boarded  by  the  United 
States  vessel  'Alligator/  who  had  two  cap 
tured  pirates  in  her  company,  and  that 
another  vessel  of  war  was  then  in  pursuit  of 
a  large  schooner  supposed  to  be  a  pirate, 
she  having  three  launches  in  tow.  Captain 


270        CAPTAIN   ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

Lamson's  brig  was  much  cut  up  by  mus 
ketry,  but  no  round  shot  struck  her  hull. 
Had  none  wounded,  and  but  one  man 
killed.  Captain  Lamson  was  considerably 
burned  in  the  face  by  an  explosion  of  gun 
powder.  He  had  only  thirteen  men." 

On  his  arrival  at  New  Orleans  Captain 
Lamson  was  received  with  great  enthusi 
asm.  One  of  the  papers,  after  giving  an 
account  of  the  affair,  concludes  as  follows : 
"  Captain  Lamson  is  certainly  entitled  to 
great  praise  from  all  for  his  gallant  and 
spirited  conduct.  A  few  such  checks  as 
this  would  as  effectively  prevent  a  repeti 
tion  of  the  outrages  perpetrated  by  these 
lawless  sea  monsters  as  anything  which  our 
seventy-fours  or  frigates  could  do." 

The  "Louisiana  State  Insurance  Co.," 
as  a  mark  of  appreciation,  presented  Cap 
tain  Lamson  with  a  silver  service  of  four 
pieces,  inscribed,  "Presented  by  the  Louisi 
ana  State  Insurance  Co.  to  Captain  Z.  G. 
Lamson  of  the  brig  'Belvidere'  of  Beverly 
for  gallantly  repelling  a  Piratical  vessel  on 


LAST  YEARS  271 

the  third  of  May,  1822."  The  records  of 
the  meeting  at  which  the  service  was 
voted,  together  with  the  report  of  the  com 
mittee  and  the  letters  of  presentation  to 
and  acceptance  from  Captain  Lamson, 
copied  from  the  "Asylum  and  Feliciana 
Advertiser"  of  June  19,  1822,  are  given 
below :  — 

TRIBUTE  TO  VALOR. 

The  President  and  directors  of  the 
Louisiana  State  Insurance  Co.  have  voted  a 
piece  of  plate  to  the  value  of  three  hundred 
dollars  to  Captain  Lamson  of  the  brig 
"Belvidere"  and  two  hundred  in  cash  to 
his  crew  for  their  gallant  defence  of  their 
vessel  against  the  attack  of  a  piratical 
cruiser  on  the  third  ult.  off  Key  Sal.  We 
annex  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
board  and  of  the  correspondence  between 
the  President  of  the  company  and  Cap 
tain  Lamson. 

Louisiana  State  Insurance  Co. 
June  7,  1822. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  appointed 


272       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  in  rela 
tion  to  an  action  between  the  brig  "  Belvi- 
dere,"  Captain  Lamson  of  Beverly  and  a 
piratical  vessel  on  the  passage  of  the 
former  vessel  from  Port  au  Prince  to  this 
place,  having  been  read,  was  unanimously 
adopted,  and  on  motion  it  was  resolved 
that  the  President  and  directors  of  the 
Louisiana  State  Insurance  Co.  do  testify 
their  high  sense  of  obligation  for  the  service 
rendered  them  by  Captain  Lamson  of  the 
brig  "Belvidere"  in  repelling  the  attack 
made  on  his  vessel  by  a  piratical  cruiser 
on  the  third  day  of  May  last,  on  her  pas 
sage  from  Port  au  Prince  to  this  place,  by 
which  a  considerable  amount  of  property 
was  saved  to  this  institution,  do  order  that 
the  President  be  directed  to  return  to  Cap 
tain  Lamson  the  thanks  of  this  board  for 
his  exertions  on  this  occasion,  and  that  a 
piece  of  plate  of  the  value  of  three  hundred 
dollars  be  caused  to  be  executed  under 
the  superintendence  of  a  committee  of  this 
board  and  presented  to  Captain  Lamson 


LAST  YEARS  273 

in  the  name  of  this  company  and  likewise 
the  sum  of  two  hundred  dollars  be  appro 
priated  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Cap 
tain  Lamson  to  be  distributed  among  his 
crew  in  such  proportions  as  he  may  con 
ceive  their  services  merit. 

E.  CEFLECHER,  SEC. 

Louisiana  State  Insurance  Offices. 
New  Orleans,  June  8,  1822. 

Sir,  —  I  am  directed  by  a  vote  of  this 
board,  a  copy  of  which  is  enclosed,  to  re 
turn  you  the  thanks  of  the  company  for 
the  signal  service  rendered  them  by  your 
successful  exertions  in  repelling  the  attack 
of  a  piratical  cruiser  on  the  brig  "Belvi- 
dere,"  the  cargo  of  which  was  insured  in 
this  office ;  and  it  affords  me  much  pleasure 
to  have  an  opportunity  individually  of  ex 
pressing  to  yourself  and  to  your  crew  the 
gratification  I  derive  from  the  gallant  con 
duct  displayed  on  the  occasion  which  you 
will  please  to  communicate  to  them  in  dis 
tributing  the  amount  voted  to  their  benefit, 
which  you  will  find  enclosed.  With  the 


274        CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

best  wishes  of  your  future  success  and 
happiness,  I  am  very  respectfully  your 
obedient  servant, 

R.  RELF, 
PRES.  LOUISIANA  INSURANCE  COMPANY. 

To  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  DIRECTORS  OF 
LOUISIANA  STATE  INSURANCE  Co. 

Gentlemen,  —  I  received  yours  of  the 
eighth  instant  enclosing  resolution  of  the 
board  of  directors  as  well  as  the  thanks  to 
myself  and  crew  for  the  defence  made  on 
board  the  brig  "Belvidere"  of  Beverly  un 
der  my  command  off  Key  Sal  against  a 
piratical  cruiser.  Gentlemen,  I  have  to  ten 
der  my  best  respects  as  well  as  those  of  my 
crew,  for  the  marked  attention  with  which 
you  have  honored  us,  and  have  to  say  under 
similar  circumstances  we  shall  ever  be 
ready  to  defend  ourselves  against  those 
pests  of  the  ocean.  The  gratuity  for  the 
benefit  of  my  crew  has  been  distributed 
agreeably  to  your  instruction,  with  which 
they  are  highly  gratified. 

Accept,  Gentlemen,  my  best  wishes. 

Z.  G.  LAMSON. 


LAST  YEARS  275 

The  brig  "Belvidere"  was  condemned 
Aug.  25,  1823,  and  Captain  Lamson  prob 
ably  returned  to  his  family  in  Beverly.  In 
July  of  1824  he  sailed  for  Honduras  as 
supercargo  on  board  the  schooner  "Frank 
lin"  of  Boston,  and  was  wrecked  on  the 
"Blue  Caicos."  The  crew  of  the  "Frank 
lin"  were  saved  by  another  vessel.  The 
"Salem  Register"  of  Oct.  14,  1824,  has 
this  item:  "Schooner  Potosi  arrived  in  Bos 
ton  from  Spanish  Main  and  St.  Isabelle, 
Lamson,  master.  One  Beverly  man  died 
at  sea."  Whether  the  Lamson  mentioned 
was  Z.  G.  Lamson  the  writer  is  ignorant. 
If  so,  it  is  probable  that  he  merely  brought 
the  vessel  home.  About  this  time,  or  a  little 
later,  he  established  himself  as  a  merchant 
in  Granada,  Central  America,  trading  on 
his  own  account,  and  also  buying  and  sell 
ing  on  commission.  Oct.  20,  1834,  he 
writes  to  his  family  that  he  has  just  re 
covered  from  a  malignant  fever  which  had 
lasted  forty  days,  but  he  hopes  soon  to  be 
able  to  resume  work.  Nov.  8,  1838,  he 


276       CAPTAIN  ZACHARY  G.  LAMSON 

entered  into  the  following  agreement  with 
the  firm  of  John  H.  Rowland,  Son  and 
Co.  of  New  York.    "John  H.  Rowland, 
Son  and  Co.  having  made  a  shipment  on 
board  the  brig  '  Galen,'  bound  for  St.  Juan, 
C.  A.,  and  consigned  the  same  to  me,  I 
hereby  agree  to  dispose  of  the  said  goods 
to  the  best  possible  advantage  for  their 
interest,    and   invest   the   same   in   hides, 
indigo,  or  other  produce,  and  ship  the  same 
to  their  consignment.    And  it   is  further 
understood  between  the  parties  that  as  a 
remuneration  for  transacting  said  business 
in  Central  America,  that  I  am  to  receive, 
after  deducting  interest,  freight,  insurance, 
commission,  and  guarantee,  and  other  in 
cidental  charges  on  the  sales  of  returns  at 
this  port,  one    third  of    the  net    profits. 

Z.  G.  LAMSON." 

Captain  Lamson  continued  his  relations 
with  the  firm  of  John  H.  Rowland,  Son 
and  Co.  up  to  or  near  the  time  of  his 
death.  The  Rowlands  employed  three  brigs 
in  the  trade,  the  "Galen,"  the  "Frances," 


LAST  YEARS  277 

and  the  "  Wakefield,"  shipping  to  St.  Juan 
checked  muslin  ginghams  of  different  colors, 
and  taking  back  to  New  York  indigo  and 
hides.  In  1841  trade,  which  up  to  that 
time  had  been  good,  became  very  dull. 
The  Howlands  write  in  March  to  Captain 
Lamson  that  the  blockade  of  Buenos  Ayres 
has  been  discontinued  and  hides  are  going 
down,  also  the  price  of  indigo  is  falling. 
Captain  Lamson  in  October  of  the  same 
year  writes  a  long  letter  to  his  family  in 
rather  a  gloomy  strain.  The  brig  "  Galen," 
consigned  to  him,  had  been  seized  by  the 
authorities  because  a  few  goods  did  not 
appear  on  the  manifest,  and  he  had  been 
obliged  to  appeal  to  the  United  States  and 
request  their  intervention.  He  had  written 
two  letters  to  Mr.  Webster  in  Washington, 
and  hoped  a  man-of-war  would  be  sent. 
Business  in  St.  Juan  was  very  bad,  and 
the  merchants  all  losing  money.  He  had 
eight  thousand  pounds  of  indigo  and  ten 
thousand  dollars'  worth  of  goods  with  five 
thousand  dollars  due  him,  but  no  cash. 


278       CAPTAIN   ZACHARY  G.   LAMSON 

Tied  up  as  he  was,  it  would  be  at  least  a 
year  before  he  could  realize  and  leave  the 
country.  He  writes  of  the  efforts  which  his 
friends  at  this  time  were  making  to  have  him 
appointed  consul  at  St.  Juan,  but  expects 
that  they  will  be  unsuccessful.  Evidently 
he  kept  up  his  interest  in  home  politics, 
for  he  writes:  "Mr.  Webster's  popularity 
with  his  friends  is  as  Timothy  Pickering's 
was  with  the  Essex  Junto,  he  is  governed 
in  a  manner  by  the  Boston  and  New  York 
aristocrats.  Mr.  Webster  is  as  ambitious 
as  any  man  we  have.  He  is  an  aristocrat 
at  heart,  though  a  better  man  I  believe  we 
could  not  at  the  present  moment  have  as 
Secretary  of  State,  but  neither  he  nor  Clay 
will  ever  be  President."  It  is  easy  to  see 
from  this  letter  that  his  many  disappoint 
ments  were  beginning  to  tell  on  Captain 
Lamson.  His  optimism  has  disappeared, 
and  the  best  he  hopes  for  is  to  realize  on 
the  wrecks  of  his  fortune  and  return  to 
Beverly.  Although  some  years  later  he  did 
revisit  his  family,  his  pecuniary  entangle- 


LAST  YEAKS  279 

ments  in  Granada  compelled  his  return  to 
that  country,  and  he  died  there  Dec.  16, 
1846,  in  the  delirium  of  fever. 


CAMBRIDGE  .  MASSACHUSETTS 
U   .   S    •   A 


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